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[return to A. Fellows by region or B. Condensed tables of Fellows] TRI Fellows Research Projects, 2004
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| Po-Yi Hung | Thu Ba Huynh | |
| Kaisone Phengsopha | Angela L. Quiros |
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Transformation of Indigenous Knowledge Palakaw.
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Tribal elders demonstrating to a tour group the Fataan traditional fishing practice of Palakaw.
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Location: Asia, Taiwan
Palakaw, the traditional fishing of Fataan Amis people, was prevalent in many streams around Fataan, especially the Fudeng stream in todays wetland area. Nevertheless, it had disappeared for years because of multiple social factors. Recently, Fataans tourism boom has led to the re-emergence of this traditional fishing practice as one of the major tourism attractions. It is usually performed by the tribal elders, who are the only people still familiar with Palakaw nowadays. Regarding Palakaw as the unique Fataan cultural heritage, the Fataan Culture and History Workshop has propagandized Palakaw since its inauguration. However, other groups, including the Guang-Feng Farmer Association and the Greater Fataan Community Development Association, also participate in the narrating activities of Palakaw.
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Tourists watching a presentation at the Fataan Ancient House in Kakitaan.
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Palakaw is depicted as ecological fishing in most mass media, such as guidebooks, brochures, and TV programs. According to those medias description, Palakaw reveals the cultural wisdom of Fataans Amis people to live harmoniously with nature. It is described as a kind of local knowledge which is in contrast to the tense relation between human and nature in todays modern society. In addition, most mass media refer to the Workshop as the restorer of Fataans Amis culture. Accordingly, official statements identify Palakaw as invaluable indigenous knowledge, which should be carefully preserved and purposefully revitalized. Moreover, although different groups have their own narrating system, all the narration they present to tourists seem to reinforce a stereotyped image of the Palakaw. Beyond the cultural restoration, Palakaw has become a major tool to gain the governments notice and attract investment for indigenous cultural revitalization. While the Development Association also tries to use Palakaw to gain attention from the outside, Palakaw for them is only part of Fataans culture, and thus people should not take Palakaw as a whole to know Fataan. Different ideas concerning Palakaw result in a series of conflicts and negotiations. Consequently, the revitalized tradition, ironically, contains much more innovated meanings rather than tradition. People use Palakaw to struggle for political power, to establish ethnic self-identity, and to earn economic benefits. In accordance, Palakaw is not simply the representation of cultural revitalization, but a symbol of social transformation.
Chra nap ka tiec ka rung la pra mong ang Co tu: Values of forest resources represent the values of Co Tu peoples life
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Thu Ba eating luch with her host familyin Quang Nam Province, Vietnam.
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Location: Southeast Asia, Vietnam
In Vietnam as in many developing countries, there is an emerging interest in knowing to what extent and in what ways forest resources can contribute to poverty alleviation. Decollectivization of agriculture and allocation of land to individual households were critical to dramatic economic growth and poverty alleviation since the late 1980s in Vietnam. Forestland allocation is an important sub-component of this program. It is a radical policy shift involving devolution of forest management authority from the state to the local level. This research is an attempt to investigate the link between forestland allocation and its impacts on the households economy of Co Tu ethnic minority people in Tong Cooi village, Quang Nam Province of Vietnam.
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Group discussion
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The research findings indicate that forestland allocation has so far not enhanced local peoples livelihoods. The forestland which once provided common access and significant incomes (from logging) to Co Tu people is now allocated not to individual households but to the community as a whole. Logging is totally banned and only some NTFPs are allowed to be harvested. While this Co Tu community is facing with a difficult forest-delink transition, support to generate incomes from alternative sources has not been offered or provided by responsible authorities. The Quang Nam provincial authorities find themselves caught between the heavy pressure from the central government to speed up the allocation process and the increasing discontentment from local people. The irony is that provincial agencies responsible for allocating land and mapping out land-use strategy do not have the adequate capacity and human resource to properly carry out the work. Rights and responsibilities in relation to forest management remain unclear and a benefit sharing mechanism is not yet in place. In the midst of local politics, Co Tu people still express their aspiration and enthusiasm for the allocated land. However, most of the villagers are uncertain as what short-term future directions for making a living and the long-term landuse for the allocated forestland will be.
An investigation of Hmong Economic development in Vanghua Village, Toulakhom District, Vientiane Province, Lao P.D.R
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Kaisone Phengsopha on the boundary of Vanghua village. The background is Vientiane plain.
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Location: Southeast Asia, Laos
Vanghua is a Hmong village situated in the Phoukaokuay plateau, which in the early 1990s was assigned by the central government of Laos as a National Protected area. The area was very isolated. Prior to 2000, it took almost a half day traveling on foot to the village due to no road access. However, this village has been well developed compared to other Hmong villages in Laos. The development has been ongoing since the mid of 1980s when villagers learnt to practice paddy rice cultivation and cattle husbandry. In early 1990s non-timber forest products, especially wildlife and eagle wood harvesting and trading, contributed major income to households. Furthermore, the majority of households have received financial assistance from relatives living abroad, especially in the United States.
Culturally, Hmong are good at saving money. They will only spend what is really necessary such as for education, medicine and minor household use. Political issues have also been influential with some households having accumulated money from serving in wars (Vietnam and Secret wars). The money was not used to develop household infrastructure since they waited and hoped to flee to Thailand or the USA as their final destination. With more political security, plenty of income sources, and low expenditures, they can save enough for the cost of their household development, this has made a substantial difference in their livelihood condition as compared to pre-1990. Hmong is also a kinship society. They will help each other among the same clan, especially their siblings and thus we see the majority of households develop simultaneously.
However, there is lack of certainty over continuity of village development. Various sources of income have deteriorated and become limited, for example, valuable wild animal and plant species are endangered because of unmanaged harvesting. Moreover, curtain paddy and rangeland have been lost due to the construction of a dam. Forest has been substantially protected with limited access to harvest forest production, but still tree felling in the village is heavy for house construction and village infrastructure. Population increases leads to greater pressure on limited natural resource. All of these factors contribute to a great deal of concern for their future generation.
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A nine years old Hmong girl is sewing cloth, while keeping a small shop for her parent. She can finish a piece of sewing in a week. The cost of the cloth is equivalent to $5US. That mean she can earn about 70 cent per day from her sewing.
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A Comparison of Whale Shark Tourism in the Philippines and Belize
Location: Southeast Asia, Philippines & Central America, Belize
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Angela, with Whale Shark 5, Belize
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Whale Shark Tourism has occurred in Donsol, Philippines and Gladden Spit, Belize over the past several years. This research compares the two sites in terms of redefining ecotourism and its utility in wildlife conservation, and a conservation organizations role in sustainability for the ecotourism product. I visited the two whale shark tourism sites between January, 2004 and August, 2004, and observed the peak and off-peak whale shark tourist seasons in the Philippines, and the off-peak whale shark season in Belize. The project first examined the social and decision-making process for whale shark tourism and next looked at the ecological effects of humans on whale sharks. To collect data, I interviewed whale shark tour guides, operators and community members and looked at tourisms effects on the surrounding community. I also started a monitoring program for whale shark tourism in the Philippines in 2004 and began work on a monitoring program for Belize in 2005.
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Tourists having a close encounter with a whale shark, at Donsol southern Luzon Phillipines.
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In terms of the physical and ecological environments, Donsol and Gladden Spit are very different sites where humans interact with whale sharks. However, both sites have similar problems, in terms of managerial issues, visitor behavior and compliance to guidelines and regulations, and institutional support or lack of it. Both sites struggle between conservation of the whale shark and its habitat and supporting the livelihoods of the local communities. Belize has several conservation organizations, like Friends of Nature and The Nature Conservancy, actively working with the community to manage whale shark tourism in Gladden Spit. The Philippines receives minimal support from WWF-Philippines the conservation organization involved with whale shark tourism in Donsol from the start. The involvement of conservation organizations in whale shark tourism at both sites has the potential to ensure sustainability for the ecotourism product.
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