From: Bill Strom [william.strom@yale.edu]
Sent: Monday,
September 16, 2002 3:31 AM
To:
marxists.and.moderates@yale.edu
Subject: all the liblong week (come to
lib dinner!!!)
all the liblong
week
the *new* whipsheet of the
liberal party of the yale political union
trois
week of:
16sept02
When one is faced with a blank
whipsheet at 3:20 AM on a Monday morning, one is apt to turn to filler material
in order to complete one’s whipsheet. This is especially true when one has
spent the vast majority of one’s weekend traipsing all over the Eastern Seaboard
in the name of entertainment.
True, unless, of course, one is the
secretary of the Liberal Party. In this instanceand this instance onlyone
may find it within one’s abilities to still report all the liblong week’s
upcoming events in an orderly and accurate fashion. Oh, yeah, and slam the
POR, too. The Liberal Party of the YPU: We Eat In Commons Lessbut please
join us Mondays!--}:-{)
*undercard*
16sept02 1730:
Lib Dinner, Commons Dining Hall
Please understand that this week’s undercard,
Lib dinner, is underscored because it has been under-attended. Meet us
under the portrait of 41st Underlord George H. W.
Bush to find out why our party doesn’t have cryptic initials that stand for
“Pile On Refuse” (as one would do by eating in commons more than once a
week).
*steel cage
match*
17sept02 1930-???: Meeting of the
Yale Political Union, LC 101
The Yale Political Union (www.yale.edu/ypu) was formed in
the 1930s in order to provide a forum for rollicking debate among its six member
parties. Our Liberal Party is the oldest of these six. Each year, nationally and
internationally recognized social and political leaders visit the union to speak
about political philosophy, current events, and policy issues.
This week,
the YPU welcomes Omar Ali of the United Independent Party. Oxymoronical,
non? Mr. Ali will speak in favor of the resolution, “The Two-Party System
is Undemocratic.” For more information about Mr. Ali, please see the link
listed aboveit will direct you to a webpage where you can learn whom you ought
to harass to update the YPU’s webpage.
*main event*
18sept02 1930-???:
Debate, Davenport College Common Room
Tonight's resolution: Capitalism and
democracy are incompatible. Once again, we are hoping for rollicking
debate on a subject that divides the left. Are laissez-faire principles
the bedrock of democratic values? (Boob) Or do socialized economies
fit in better with our notion of the importance of the will of all?
(Buffoon) Discuss.
*royal
rumble*
20sept02: Liberal Party Party, Time
and Location To Be Announced
In order to help you sufficiently enjoy the LGBT
Co-Op’s Dance Party this Friday night, join the libidinous libation-bearers of
the Liberal Party for some fun. Details to follow.
*exit music*
Please find appended the wonderful op/ed piece I used to
kick off last week’s intriguing debate:
Liberalism's Patriotic Vision
September 5,
2002
By TODD GITLIN
With the massacres of a year ago came righteous
outrage,
bewilderment and a thirst for interpretations: What could
such
colossal violence mean? What did mass murder require
of us? Who were we now?
We needed a story.
The White House declared that the terrorists hated
our
freedoms; after an interlude of coalition building, the
administration
resumed its America-love-it-or-leave-it
attitude. Members of Congress became
sullen cheerleaders,
cowed by the White House's willingess to question
their
loyalty. Patriotism seemed to function not as a spur to
come to the
aid of the country, but as a silencer.
Absolutists dominated the field -
and eerily converged in
their penchant for going it alone. The terrorists
took it
upon themselves to act in the name of all of Islam and
all
Muslims, to settle all accounts and slaughter all enemies.
There could
be no appeal or dissent; they expected their
allies to be as silent as their
enemies. They openly
yearned to restore the eighth-century caliphate: a
purist
theocracy and an empire if ever there was one.
Squandering
much support from around the world, President
Bush soon showed he was ready
to go it alone, keeping even
Congress at arm's length. He was not content
with
self-defense. Countries that were not with us were against
us. We
were launched upon a permanent war against anyone he
declared we were at war
against; the administration
reserved the right to break treaties and to
undertake
pre-emptive war.
The American left, too, had its version of
unilateralism.
Responsibility for the attacks had, somehow, to lie
with
American imperialism, because all responsibility has to lie
with
American imperialism - a perfect echo of the right's
idea that all good
powers are and should be somehow
American. Intellectuals and activists on the
far left could
not be troubled much with compassion or
defense.
Disconnected from Americans who reasonably felt their
patriotic
selves attacked, they were uncomprehending.
Knowing little about Al Qaeda,
they filed it under
Anti-Imperialism, and American attacks on the Taliban
under
Vietnam Quagmire. For them, not flying the flag became an
urgent
cause. In their go-it-alone attitude, they weirdly
paralleled the blustering
right-wing approach to the world.
Long before Sept. 11, this naysaying
left had seceded. When
Ralph Nader's Greens equated a Bush presidency with a
Gore
presidency, they took leave of any practical connection to
America.
Rightly demanding profound reforms but deluded
about their popularity, they
withheld their energy from the
Democrats and squandered alliances that would
have promoted
their ideals. They acted as though their cause had to
be
lonely to be good.
Many liberals and social democrats saw through
this hollow
negativity and posed necessary questions. What was a
war
against terrorism? To what did it bind the nation? War
against whom,
and for how long? Why should American foreign
policy be held hostage to oil?
How should strong and
privileged America belong in the world? Was the
United
States to be a one-nation tribunal of "regime change"
wherever it
detected evil spinning on an axis?
Some good answers float in the air
now. They have not yet
found political support, but they could. As the
Bush
administration paints itself into a corner, we could be
headed toward
a new liberal moment. Liberals need to step
up their promotion of a Marshall
Plan for Afghanistan and
elsewhere, helping to stifle terrorism. Even
conservatives
no longer smirk about nation building or foreign aid.
Likewise, mainstream economists like Joseph Stiglitz (once
chief
economist of the World Bank) and Jeffrey Sachs
(former free-market shock
therapist) campaign to convince
rich countries to give more development aid.
Liberals should affirm that American power, working
within
coalitions, can advance democratic values, as in Bosnia and
Kosovo
- but they should oppose this administration's push
toward war in Iraq, which
is unlikely to work out that way.
Against oil-based myopia, there are murmurs
(they should be
clamors) that we should phase out the oil dependency
that
overheats the earth and binds us to tyrants.
On the
domestic front, corporate chiefs have lost their
new-economy charm - and the
Bush administration's earlier
efforts on their behalf have lost whatever
political
purchase they had. With the bursting of the stock market
bubble,
deregulation no longer looks like a cure-all.
Whom do Americans admire
now? Whom do we trust? Americans
did not take much reminding that when
skyscrapers were on
fire, they needed firefighters and police officers,
not
Arthur Andersen accountants. Yet we confront an
administration whose
policies reflect the idea that
sacrifice - financial and otherwise - is meant
for people
who wear blue collars.
A reform bloc in Congress,
bolstered in November, could
start renewing the country. But we need much
more than
legislation. One year after, surely many Americans are
primed
for a patriotism of action, not of pledges. The era
that began Sept. 11 would
be a superb time to crack the
jingoists' claim to a monopoly of patriotic
virtue. Instead
of letting minions of corporate power run away with
the
flag (while banking their tax credits offshore), we need to
remake the
tools of our public life - our schools, social
services and transportation.
Post-Vietnam liberals have an
opening now, freed of our 60's flag anxiety and
our
reflexive negativity, to embrace a liberal patriotism that
is
unapologetic and uncowed. It's time for the patriotism
of mutual aid, not
just symbolic displays or
self-congratulation. It's time to close the gap
between the
nation we love and the justice we also love.
Todd Gitlin,
a former president of Students for a
Democratic Society, is author of "Media
Unlimited: How the
Torrent of Images and Sounds Overwhelms Our Lives." He is
a
professor of journalism and sociology at
Columbia
University.
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/09/05/opinion/05GITL.html?ex=1032270240&ei=1&en=ace8da0bd23d09ba