BY DAVID NEWSOM

One reason for the reemergence of this new authoritarianism has been the result of worsening economic conditions within the last decade.

Belarus' Unfair Policies

Belarus has been one of the most recent examples of the growing authoritarian trend. On November 24 of this past year, the people of Belarus voted to establish a new constitution expanding their president's power. With over 70 percent of voters "officially" backing the measure, President Alyaksandr Lukashenka proclaimed it a victory for his country and his plans for its reunification with Russia.

The referendum in Belarus was far from fair. The now-dissolved Belarusian parliament, which had opposed and boycotted the referendum, now warns that Lukashenka is driving the country back toward a communist dictatorship. Under the new constitution, the authority of the parliament and the judiciary will be curtailed. In the future, all judges will be directly appointed by the president without parliamentary approval.

The Belarusian vote has also sparked protests in Minsk, the country's capital. Meanwhile, the state-controlled media continue to show only pro-Lukashenka coverage, portraying opponents of the new constitution as fascists bent on destroying the country. Lukashenka has succeeded in using his own propaganda to distort and persuade people toward his favor.

Slovakia: One Step Behind

Slovakia is another former communist country that has routinely faced criticism for a disappointing human rights record. Until its separation from the Czech Republic, analysts considered the country one of the early democratic success stories.

But unlike the more industrial and prosperous Czech lands, Slovak lands tend to be more rural and economically depressed. While the Czechs embraced radical free market reforms, the Slovaks have consistently resisted change, In 1992, while the Czechs re-elected a center-right reform-minded government, the Slovaks chose to return their former Communists to power to protect their ailing state-owned industries. with the Czechs going in one direction, and the Slovaks going in the opposite direction, it became almost impossible for their union to remain. So on January 1, 1993, Czechoslovakia ceased to exist.

Some of the most vocal complaints have come from Slovakia's pro-reform opposition and its ethnic minorities, who continue to accuse the government of harassment.

Although people in the Balkans have challenged their authoritarian rulers in favor of democracy, freedom of the press, and human rights, it is unlikely that they will succeed peacefully.

Criticism from Within

Slovakia's Hungarian minority has been very vocal against discrimination. In 1995, Slovakia's parliament passed a Slovak-only language law. Yet the Hungarian minority and some of the parties in the democratic opposition claim that this new language law violates internationally recognized minority rights norms.

The country's president, the pro-reform Michal Kovac, is Meciar's most vocal critic. in August 1995, the president's some Michael Kovac, Jr., was reportedly kidnapped in Austria. Soon afterward, the opposition and international media investigated the abduction and found evidence of involvement by the pro-Meciar Slovak Information Service (SIS). the SIS has since countered that Kovac, JR. planned his own abduction, but much of the free press has discounted that claim.

Meciar's problematic human rights policies have been a disaster for their country's relations with the West. Although he continues to lobby for membership to both the EU and NATO, those organizations no longer believe Slovakia will meet the membership requirements because of its poor human rights record. Already, the European Parliament has passed a resolution threatening to suspend EU economic assistance to Slovakia.

Human Rights Abuses in the Balkans

The Balkans, however, have the worst human rights conditions. Much of the blame falls into the hands of one man, Serbian President Slobodon Milosevic. As pro-democracy movements toppled communist governments throughout Central and Eastern Europe, Mr. Milosevic seized control of his Serbian branch of the Yugoslav Communist Party, and he appealed to ethnic nationalism in the face of democratic opposition. His Croatian counterpart, Franjo Tudjman, used the same tactic. In their desire to hold onto power, they plunged Yugoslavia into an ethnic war that has ravaged the Balkans ever since.

Now, one year after the war in the Balkans has officially come to an end, the Serbian and Croatian people continue to suffer from poor economic conditions. Angered by the corruption and lack of reform by their authoritarian regimes, many of the people have taken to the streets to protest in recent months. In Croatia, the situation has become more volatile and is further exacerbated by the fact that Tudjman may be dying of cancer. Although he has no strong successor, his ruling party, the Croatian Democratic Community, is unlikely to allow any opposition parties to obtain power.

Although Croatia was recently admitted to the Council of Europe under the condition that it would support a free and independent press and protect the rights of its Serbian minority, the Croatian government has done little to enforce that pledge. In fact, Croatia's Serbs continue to b harassed and fear ethnic reprisal from the Croats. While there is an "independent" press, it is often intimidated by the police and government.

Nevertheless, anti-government sentiment has provoked support for a free press. within hours of the government announcing its decision to shut down the nation's most popular independent radio station, people took to the streets. The Croatian government was forced to reverse its decision.

Serbia has also had its share of human rights violations. The most troublesome issue remains its Albanian-dominated province of Kosovo. Once an autonomous region under Communist rule, Milosevic revoked its autonomy in 1989, and has since suppressed the Albanian majority. Although ethnic cleansing has not yet occurred, many fear Kosovo has the potential for an armed explosion.

Since late November, Serbia's major cities have also been the scene of massive protests against the Milosevic regime. The street demonstrations are the first widespread anti-government protests since 1991, when peaceful, anti-war protesters were crushed by Milosevic's military. The latest protests are the result of his nullification of elections won by an opposition coalition. Neither the protesters nor Milosevic are willing to budge. It remains unclear what will happen next.

Looking Toward the Future

Milosevic might try a number of options to settle the standoff. He might resolve the issue peacefully by offering concessions, or he might use force, but that opens the door to a multitude of outcomes. Faced with the possibility of having to kill its own people, the military might actually refuse to use force and may even revolt against Milosevic. Since the protests have dragged on for more than two months, it is likely that a swift crackdown would backfire. But Milsoevic does have the loyal support of his troops. an ethnic explosion engineered by Milosevic might lead to the outbreak of another bloody war in the Balkans, further destabilizing the region.

Although people in the Balkans have challenged their authoritarian rulers in favor of democracy, freedom of the press, and human rights, it is unlikely that they will succeed peacefully. After all, this is a region whose leaders are willing to maintain power, even at the expense of human life.

While authoritarianism is on the rise in Slovakia, Belarus, and the Balkans, not all post-communist societies will meet the same fate. New waves of protests have also occurred in Albania and Bulgaria in response to increasing economic neglect and corruption. The only worry is that this new division of Europe may turn he former communist nations against Western, democratic norms and toward an increasingly hostile Russia.