Hi Lauren.

Here are my editorial comments on your paper on the Nike of Samothrace. I am certainly no expert on Hellenistic art, so I have been humble and gullible, The accuracy of your assertions is mostly left unchallenged, so your reputation and credibility is entirely in your hands.

I assume you will want pictures of the Nike to appear in the paper. These should probably be sent to Charles Umiker.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Nike of Samothrace:

The Next Generation Attalid Victory Monument?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

April 23, 2001

Hellenistic Art

Final Paper

By a remarkable stroke of fortune, the Nike of Samothrace (Louvre #MA2639, Fig. 1), today the most widely known work of Hellenistic sculpture, survives in its original form and was unearthed from its original setting. The marble statue represents an over life-sized winged victory alighting on a ship’s prow, which is present in a scaled-down version as the Nike’s base. This work may have originally been part of a monumental fountain installation. In 1863, M. Champoiseau found the statue, broken into several pieces, lying in a rectangular basin located on a windy ridge that overlooked the Samothracian Sanctuary of the Great Gods and, in the distance, the rough waters of the Aegean Sea. In the Hellenistic period, when the Nike was created, Samothrace was known for both its mystery cult and its position on an important but stormy sea lane.

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You mention Samothrake‘s reputation--obviously this is important and figures into your argument. What I would like to see is a paragraph discussing more aspects of the siting. Tie together the mystery cult and sailor’s cult with the Sanctuary of the Great God mentioned in the previous sentence. This is needed to establish the site-specific nature of the work you keep alluding to and also helps identify the interaction with the ret of the island. I think the essay sometimes takes for granted that proximity to this sanctuary implies ipso facto a relationship. I think this needs to be developed to strengthen the argument that Samothrake was by no means chosen randomly.

I think this may be important because the other monuments at the site have been variously dated from almost 400 BC to the first century AD in the case of the Anaktoron.

If nothing else, there should be mention of the monument of Nike, the rectangular north-facing structure where the Nike stood (dated to 2nd century B.C.?)

Moreover, the Tholos and the Propylon play into your argument in various ways in terms of placing what you seem to consider a principally secular monument (celebrating a secular event) in the locus of local religion.

If nothing else, the number and diversity of monuments at the very least show that that is indeed a pan-Hellenic site.

 

What would you think about changing all the “Samothrace”s to Samothrake”? I realize Samothrace is convention, but it seems less correct.

“The Attalid tradition of generosity and intellectualism” seems misplaced.

Are you comfortable with first-person language?

I did not get the footnotes in my attachment. I will assume there are no problems there.

 

 

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Offsetting the lucky circumstances of the Nike’s survival and discovery, however, is the almost total lack of literary or epigraphical reference to the sculpture. In the absence of such crucial evidence, scholars have debated the purpose of the Nike for more than a century, wondering who made her, precisely when, and why. Without definite answers to these questions, scholars have largely left their treatment of the work’s meaning in vague terms, commenting on the statue’s beauty but hesitating to speculate about what deeper reaction it might have been intended to evoke in the ancient Greek spectator. I will attempt here to make such an interpretive study of the Nike of Samothrace. By looking at the sculpture through the lenses of formal analysis, historical patronage of the Samothracian cult, and the innovative victory dedications in the Hellenistic age I propose to approximate a Hellenistic viewer’s understanding and appreciation of the Nike. I believe that such analysis inevitably leads to the conclusion that the Nike of Samothrace is a Pergamene dedication memorializing the Pergamene-engineered Roman capture in 166 BC of King Perseus, last of the Macedonians, at the island of Samothrace itself. The sculpture therefore belongs to the Attalid tradition of generosity, intellectualism, and claim to the Classical Athenian role as savior of Greek civilization.

 

The Figure

The Nike of Samothrace, now headless, footless, and armless, is an eight foot (2.45 m) tall work in Parian marble, assembled from separate pieces of stone, and presumably originally painted, though no traces remain. The goddess is a powerful, sensual, and energetic figure. Her striking impact is the result of the sculptor’s combination of skill at naturalism and ability to manipulate the elements of the work to create a sense of drama. Nike strides forward with her right leg, her wings splayed behind her and her torso tilted for balance. Her legs, torso, and wings create a series of boldy opposing diagonals that enhance the impression she gives of being in motion. As she advances against the invisible force of the wind, the Nike becomes a dramatic study of conflicting forces and counter-forces. This is evident in the twisting pose of her body, which R. Carpenter describes as a series of conflicting spirals: “Instead of spiraling in continuous revolution about a vertical axis, the turning movement is checked at the waist in mid-career, to be resumed in reverse direction in the upper body...”

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Does anything more need to be said about the conflicting spirals of the Nike’s figure? Is this symbolism or just a formal characteristic meant to suggest the dynamism of the figure?

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Her drapery serves to dramatically emphasize both her dynamic forward movement against the wind and her full, robust form-her powerful thighs and the active, contracted muscles of her torso. The drapery clings with thin, long, and uneven ripples to her breasts, abdomen, right leg, and left thigh, its near transparency revealing these parts of the body almost as if they were nude. Excess fabric forms heavy yet dynamically irregular shapes and bunches. A long, uneven arc of cloth between her legs accentuates their motion and implies the counter-force of the wind against her body. The sculptor draws attention to this downward arc with a swath of drapery that flies forward from the left hip and collides in a V-shape with the longer swath at the Nike’s pelvis. At the same time, in the back of the statue fabric soars out behind the figure in rigid crests. The effect of this drapery is choppy and uneven, the wind whipping the cloth as it does sea below into irregular peaks and troughs.

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The effect of this drapery is choppy and uneven” does not seem to have agreement between the noun and the adjectives. “The effect is to make the figure appear...”?

One more sentence about the similarity of the rippling cloth and the whipped-up sea?

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The Nike’s wings are intensely naturalistic, and also contribute to the uneven, chaotic, and exuberantly active tone of the statue. In a motion that echoes the V-shape of the drapery between her legs, the goddess pushes her wings back as far as they seem capable of going, and extends them to their full length (Fig. 2). In doing so, she exactly mimics the behavior of a bird about to land. Indeed, her wings (Fig. 3) seem an enlarged copy of real bird wings (Fig. 4), from their curved crests to the joint mid way through, to their outspread, textured feathers. However, the feathers lack the regular, fan-like arrangement found in real birds. Instead, they are arrayed at odd and overlapping angles to one another, much like the folds of the drapery. Thus, though naturalistic, the wings betray the sculptor’s interest in creating irregular patterns to suggest straining, immediate action. The wings are in use in a real-life situation, thrown out against the real wind that sweeps over the Samothracian hills, to affect an imminent landing. This combination of naturalism and exaggerated irregularity in the statue gives it a breathtaking sense of urgency and actuality: this Nike, with her very corporeal body and realistic, non-ideal wings may be an unearthly being, but she is made of the stuff of this world, and the viewer can relate to her here and now.

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I am not sure I totally understand the “combination of naturalism and exaggerated irregularity”--isn’t exaggerated irregularity more a kind of mannerism?

Also, I think the concept of relating to a statue is misleading: I think people can related to gods, i.e. not being divine is not a prerequisite for people being able to relate. In a way, I think exaggerated irregularity oversteps this mission and crosses over to the other side of realism. By being exaggerated and violent in her motion, she is not real at all.

Scholars believed the trumpet and spear theory because other Nikes held these attributes?

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Without the Nike’s head and arms it is difficult to reconstruct her action more precisely. However, the recent discovery of her hands provides some helpful clues. A right hand (Fig. 5), found in 1950, has been definitively identified as belonging to the Nike; the attribution of a left (Fig. 6; discovered ca. 1966) is less certain due to the hand’s slightly smaller scale. Based on what remains of her right shoulder, it is evident that the Nike had that arm raised. Scholars once believed that the goddess held a trumpet in her right hand while the left held a spear; however, the rediscovered hands rule out this reconstruction. Though what may be a drill hole in the right thumb suggests that she carried some sort of metal attachment between thumb and index, the complete carving of the palm and outward splay of the fingers proves that she could not have held a large attribute in her right hand. If, then, this hand were simply raised against the sky in some sort of gesture, the artist would likely have carved it to be larger than scale (and therefore larger than the left hand) so as to stand out in the composition and not appear too small. This use of varying scale to take into account the viewer’s position with relation to the statue has long been a common technique. If the sculptor of the Nike used this technique, then the discovered, smaller left hand would indeed belong to the goddess and would prove that she held nothing large in either hand, since the left hand fragment also has a fully carved palm. The attitude of the left arm is less certain, since less of the shoulder remains, but it was probably not held aloft.

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I think the thrust-back wings, the pressing against the drapery, the dramatic contraposso, and the drapery billowing through her legs are also important in establishing that powerful sense of forward motion.

Is it possible to say more about the incredibly detailed drapery here? It is possible that an overwhelming fraction of the sculptor’s time was taken up fashioning the drapery, so it is of great significance. Ids this a celebration of a particular aesthetic value or is it of a symbolic significance?

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The Ship Base

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Can we get a detailed picture of the statue base?

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Colossal in her size, turbulent in her mien, and perhaps dramatic in her gesture, the Nike of Samothrace alights on the prow of a warship. This prow serves as the base of the statue (Fig. 1). Carved from a blue-grey Rhodian marble, the six-and-a-half foot tall ship base was found in many fragments and is now mostly plastered together. It retains some traces of paint, but these are unintelligible. The basic form of the ship is roughly triangular, with the apex pointing forward. Slightly less than midway up the ship and toward the rear, an oar box is visible and lined with double rows of oar slots. A battering ram extends out and upward off the very front of the prow. The Nike now stands on a block atop the base; however, this is a museum addition. Marks on the top of the Rhodian marble prow suggest that her feet originally rested directly upon the surface of the ship. With its narrow body and skyward-pointing ram, the ship-base emphasizes the composition’s sense of forward motion and aerial uplift while drawing the viewer’s gaze to the Nike.

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Is the question of Parian marble worth discussing? How different are these? Is it just a difference of color? How does the weight of this evidence compare with the weight of the pottery evidence? What makes the Parian vs. Rhodian attributions so certain?

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Because of its poor state of conservation, and because the base represents only the prow of the ship, it is probably fruitless to try to make an exact identification of the type of ship represented. Scholars have tried to identify the vessel in hopes that its exact identity will provide insight into ancient Greek naval history and/or reveal the provenance and date of the sculpture based on our knowledge of where and when certain kinds of ships were used. Unfortunately, attempts to identify the vessel have either been based upon the very controversial date and origin of the sculpture, or have produced very general results. For example, B. Ridgway reminds scholars that the most accepted identification of the ship as a trihemiolia, brings them “no closer to its ethnic identity, since the type was widely used by all Hellenistic, and even Roman, navies.” Despite the inconclusive nature of these results, studies of the ship’s construction have yielded some important information. A. Sleeswyk reconstructs the scale of the ship based on the distance between oarports, and the lengths of oars and amount of room for rowers that this distance implies, concluding that the statue base is about 1/5 life size. To an ancient viewer, familiar with the general scale of naval vessels, this size discrepancy would have been obvious, and would have suggested that, though already colossal, the statue of the Nike actually represents a forty-foot tall being. Whether or not the viewer ultimately accepts the ship as an attribute that need not have been shown to scale, or as a sign of the Nike’s truly awesome “actual” size, the scale discrepancy adds to one’s sense of the goddess’ grandeur, and hence to the dramatic impression she makes. Furthermore, Sleeswyk demonstrates that the sculpted prow is too narrow for a real ship, and is therefore tailored toward an exaggerated sense of forward motion.

 

Installation and Setting

The naturalism and drama of the Nike and her ship base were likely intensified even further by their installation and its setting. The ship base was installed atop six tiles of physically rippled marble (Fig. 1), some of which show evidence that bronze ornaments-perhaps representing sea life and landscape elements-were once attached to them.^^^Document Error^^^ Lehmann and Lehmann, 184; and Ridgway, 154.^^^Document Error^^^ The viewer was thus expected to experience the Nike as part of a realistic seascape diorama. The effect may have been significantly enhanced if the ensemble was indeed part of a fountain (Fig. 7), as the evidence implies. K. Lehmann, the site’s primary excavator 1938-1960, describes the findspot of the Nike as a pair of basins, Hellenistic in origin-an upper, shallow one in which the statue seems to have originally been located, and the lower, deeper basin in which she was found. Pipelines and channels from antiquity remain today, running to and from the basins. This evidence is strongly suggestive of a setting of running water. However, a full analysis of the evidence makes this conclusion less obvious. An “overflow” pipe may have actually been intended to provide water to the theater below the statue, and the upper pipeline may have originally attached to this overflow pipe rather than emptying into the statue-basin. What is more, these pipes may postdate the Nike and thus reveal nothing of the sculptor’s original intention. Finally, the basins of the supposed fountain may have been too poorly waterproofed to function in this context. This evidence seems to refute the idea of a fountain; yet if there was no fountain, why are there basins at all? Lehmann never finished his report on the excavation of the Nike “fountain,” but a complete report is now under preparation by I. Mark; perhaps it will resolve these questions.

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I wonder if the fact that the pipes postdate the statue is significant. It seems to me that a fountain setting, even one installed after the original statue, could shed light on the sculpture’s intention. sometimes a later generation’s ‘improvements’ are a rubric for the earlier generation’s intentions.

As for the I. mark study, you say that Lehmann. Since Lehmann and NYU (?) were working two generations ago, shouldn’t a study that he cites have already been completed by now?

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Until the archeological evidence becomes more conclusive, however, one can only analyze the advantages and disadvantages of a fountain.

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“advantages and disadvantages of a fountain” is the wrong language--how about “analyze the uncertain question of a fountain setting”?

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In favor of such an installation are its usefulness to the local religious cults and the suggestive, rather than explicit, nature of the “wavy” marble tiling. P. and K. Lehmann believe that water from the putative fountain was vital to the functioning of the religious cult at Samothrace, since the stream that was the usual source of water for libations was dry most of the year. They note that there is no evidence for any other fountain of any type existing on the island, and that it would be unusual for there to be a total absence of a monumental fountain, since these were ubiquitous in Greek sanctuaries.

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Here you get into the topic of the religious cult, only tangentially, but some background information might be helpful. perhaps some background information could be mentioned in a footnote. if the usual source for libations was dry most of the year, it seems that the fountain might not have been running either. Would a fountain near the Nike have been of they type that is ubiquitous in Greek sanctuaires? Would it have bneen int he sanctuary at all?

 

 

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Moreover, I believe that the ancient Greeks would have considered the schematically rippled texture of the marble tiles to be an insufficient representation of water, especially in the context of the highly naturalistic and painstakingly detailed Nike statue and its base. *** Another “I believe” -- for some reason this one I find more problematic than the one at the beginning.

**** Certainly ripples evoke water, but they are a very simplified sign for it, and could evoke other contexts as well, such as sand. The bronze sea ornaments, if they truly existed, would have clarified that the ripples signified water, but then the water would seem far too calm for the scene of turbulence and rough waters that the sculpture evokes. Indeed, the little ripples on the marble’s surface are so gentle and unobtrusive as to be easy to miss altogether. They do not even int ****** what happened here? ******dCd^^^Document Error>> and make the base out of Rhodian marble. He dedicated it to Samothrace in commemoration of his naval victories over the Selucid King Antiochus III the Great in c. 190 BC. This victory was a step toward freeing the Greek people from the dominion of the descendants of the Diadochoi and placing them under Roman law.

I. The Nike was an Attalid dedication of c. 166 BC, commemorating the ultimate defeat of the Macedonian Empire. Eumenes II convinced the Romans to go to war with the Macedonians and contributed heavily to the battle forces. Following Macedonian King Perseus’ 167 BC defeat at Pydna, Perseus fled to Samothrace seeking asylum at its sanctuary, but was confined there by the Pergamene fleet and eventually turned over to the Romans. Like hypothesis #5, this theory involves the celebration of the disintegration of Alexander’s legacy, and the rise of Roman rule in its place.

Before examining these hypotheses, it is best to review what criteria the preceding analyses provide for a valid hypothesis. Most obviously, because the statue is of a Victory figure, the theory must concern triumph, at least as a theme if not a specific event. The dedication is certainly the most lavish known on the island, however, so the inspiration for the Nike’s commission was probably a momentous event, at least in the eyes of the dedicators.

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You say the date must be Hellenistic, but then I think there are later remarks which refine this even further. How specific can we get with the pottery dating?

 

“The theory must concern triumph” -- this seems to be a presupposition that the mnument commemorates event. You say the Victory figure implies “a theme” of victory “if not a specific event” but then you conclude that since it is lavish, the inspiration had to be an event. Why does the lavishness (what does this mean exactly anyway?) discredit the theme and demand the event?

Would a discussion of other prominent Nikes be helpful, just to show the extent of the possible commemorated subject matter? Again, perhaps some of this could be added in a footnote. I think it is important in a way that not all Nike are an obvious celebration of victory. The Samothrace example is sui generis in a way.

I wonder with Nikes: when they celebrate victory they are as much a bout the prospect of continued success, aren’t they? Nikes are votive, they are a divine harbinger of success. it seems too narrow a focus to see them purely as a commemoration of the past. that is why i am superficially attracted to the idea of the Samothrace relating to the sailor’s cult. There is nothing a sailor’s cult needs more than some sort of assurance about the future before worshippers go out to face the seas.

 

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Secondly, due to the conclusive pottery finds and the style, the date must be Hellenistic.

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The iconoclastically irregular and non-formulaic style further indicates a preference for dedicators who appreciated artistic innovation. Finally, the site-specific nature of the Nike, with her carefully planned associations with local geography and religion, presupposes that this monument commemorates something intimately connected with the island of Samothrace.

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site-specificity needs more development -- I am unable to see this connection in a vacuum -- too much reliance on prior knowledge

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Andrew Stewart’s argument that the Nike of Samothrace is a metaphorical representation of the “Ship of State” is persuasive. Citing a plethora of examples **** Are you OK with not giving specifics for Stewart’s “plethora of examples”? ***

from contemporary literary and artistic traditions, Stewart speculates that

In contemplating the great masses of cloth blown to and fro across her body, the ancient spectator might well have been reminded of the poets’ figure of the “blasts of Ares” and the great waves they whip up, all threatening to overwhelm the state. Yet looking at the huge and totally fantastic “rudder” of cloth behind her, he might also have deduced that the storm of opposition was being safely traversed.

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I would be more persuaded if there was some direct textual evidence connecting the blasts of Ares to some sort of corrosion of the polity. Can you locate such a connection from Stewart’s notes?

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Indeed, with his enormous amount of evidence for the ubiquity of this concept of the “ship of state,” it seems unlikely that a critical viewer could look at the chaotic yet triumphant Nike, accosted by the tumult of sea and wind yet confidently pressing forward, and not see the “blasts of Ares” being successfully overcome. If the ancient viewer saw the “Ship of State” when he saw the Nike of Samothrace, because of the monument’s specificity to the island, it would be logical to add to the list of criteria for a successful hypothesis that it must include the Samothracians as part of the “state” (literal or metaphorical) that the commemorated event or thing benefits.

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Similar to the “Ship of State” interpretation of the Nike of Samothrace is Lehmann’s idea that the Samothracians erected the monument to honor their own navy. Lehmann bases this interpretation on Samothracian coins from the fourth century on that depict ships’ prows, concluding that such coins were meant to recognize the island’s navy, which was powerful enough to deserve mention in Herodotus’ History. He infers that the Samothracians were proud enough of their navy to dedicate a fabulous monument to it, and suggests that they engaged a native Samothracian sculptor, who had worked on Rhodes in the 220s to return to the island to execute this commission. According to Lehmann, this artist was Hieronymos, and the inscription [....]s Rhodios [....] could refer to him; being familiar with Rhodes, he could have also made the choice to use Rhodian marble for the base. Furthermore, since Rhodian sculptors seem to have been important to the development of the Hellenistic Baroque style in general and the creation of the Altar of Zeus at Pergamon specifically, a Rhodian-trained sculptor could account for the style of the Nike. *** It strikes me as strange that this is the first mention that the closest analog is the Altar of Zeus. If this is important information which it certainly is, it should appear earlier.

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Once again, no concrete evidence substantiates this argument. However, Lehmann’s impulse to connect the sculpture to a native artist is attractive in light of the work’s site-specificity.

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“attractive” should be “understandable”

You reference the work’s site-specificity. Each additional this comes up I feel you need more and more justification of it at the beginning.

 

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Moreover, this identification explains the style of the figure and the material of its ship base. There is no reason to discard the idea that Hieronymos was at least involved in the creation of the Nike of Samothrace. However, there is no reason to necessarily believe that he was the sculptor. The sculptor need not have been Samothracian to create a sculpture that responds to the local environment; and he need not have been to Rhodes to create a Hellenistic Baroque work since the style had other centers (such as Pergamon) and since the existence of a Rhodian school involved in the style’s development is hypothetical.

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This seems like circular logic. Instead of since the existence” it should be “the hypothesis, tenuous to begin with, fails on these other counts.”

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As Lehmann himself concedes, Hieronymos “has as much claim to the Nike as any other sculptor” but no more.

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Lehmann’s ‘concession’ seems less like a concession than an easily twisted phrase. The sense of his statement is that Hieronymos is a likely candidate, not an unlikely one.

 

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The naval aspect of this theory is similarly ambiguous. The preponderance of Lehmann’s evidence for a Samothracian navy worthy of such a monument dates to the fourth century BC and before (the Herodotus reference is from 480 BC). Centuries pass between this evidence and the late third century date Lehmann assigns the sculpture. During these centuries the politics of Greece as a whole changed dramatically. Nonetheless, the continuing manufacture in Hellenistic times of Samothracian coins bearing the prow of a ship may indicate that the island’s navy remained a source of pride. On the other hand, the prows may be more of a reference to the island’s maritime nature in general-to its cult protecting sailors and its position on a major sea lane-than to the navy specifically. It stretches the imagination to think of such an aggressive work as the Nike as merely a sign of the island’s seafaring nature or modest navy. The theory is not ideal, but it cannot be disproved.

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Not particularly important, but why does it stretch the imagination to think of an aggressive work as merely a sign of the island’s seafaring nature or modest navy? It’s propaganda--the whole point is to exaggerate, and also to suggest the likelihood of future good fortune. (Is this Lehmann’s qualification?) I think it is perfectly reasonable to celebrate a specific victory and the navy in general at the same time.

 

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One can more easily discard the hypotheses that place the work in the fourth century BC. The logic behind A.W. Lawrence’s thesis that the Nike commemorates a Macedonian naval victory over the Athenians in 323 on the Hellespont is fundamentally flawed. The author advances the theory with the assumption that the Macedonians chose Samothrace as the site for their dedication because a spot on the island would allow the Nike to overlook the Hellespont itself. He almost immediately admits that the Nike in fact faces away from the site of the battle, rationalizing that it would have been difficult to make her face the Hellespont from the site of her installation. Of course, if the point of the monument was to “watch the end of the Athenian fleet,” wouldn’t the dedicators have chosen a location where this was possible? If one accepts the argument despite this glaring flaw, one must also recognize the problem of style and the indications from pottery of a Hellenistic date. A date of 323 is awfully early to be called Hellenistic Baroque.

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I would love to see an authority on the pottery saying what you advance here: that 323 thoroughly disqualifies the 323 date. I also do not understand why a victory in 323 would necessarily have to be commemorated in 323. The Arc de Triomphe was certainly not built concurrently with France’ s victories.

 

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The 306 BC argument, first advanced by Benndorf, also provides too early of a date for the style of the Nike and fails for other reasons. The first of these is that the thesis is based largely on coins of about 295 BC, minted by Demetrius Poliorcetes following his great victory over Ptolemy’s fleet at Salamis in 306 BC. The motif on these coins (Fig. 18), a winged Nike blowing a trumpet atop a ship with a broken prow, seems, at first glance, to match the Nike of Samothrace. However, upon closer reflection, whether one assumes that these coins copy the Nike of Samothrace or that they are thematically related to it, the connection fails. From the Nike’s hands, it is clear that she did not hold a trumpet as does the coin Nike; also, the wings of this Nike are dramatically different from those of the sculpture: those on the coin are more stylized and less bird-like. Finally, because of the broken prow on the coin, this ship must be a destroyed enemy vessel being claimed by the victor. The ship of the Nike of Samothrace cannot be a destroyed enemy ship because it was represented as riding even on the water; towed enemy ships were always partly sunken and waterlogged. The style of the prow also precludes its interpretation as booty, since it is seen as elegant and swift, not broken down and defeated. Thus, the coin cannot have a connection with the Nike of Samothrace because it is different in conception and detail from the statue. In the coin, the Nike’s purpose is to declare defeat; in the statue, it is to declare victory.

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Is it possible that this is still the naval event being commemorated but in a different style and context? Is this addressed at the bottom of the page where you say that Demetrius had no connections with Samothrace?

To what extent is the capture being celebrated, and to what extent the battle, to what extent the war?

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Demetrius’ relationship to Samothrace also precludes the 306 date. *** Given the fact that Greek politics had the capacity to change quickly (as you mention above), isn’t it conceivable that in 306 Demetrius could have held sway over the island and lost it by 280? *****

Not only did Demetrius have no known intimate connection with Samothrace, but the enemy whose defeat he would have memorialized did. The Ptolemies continued to contribute aggressively to the Samothracian cult even in the years after this defeat. For example, the Arsinoeion, the largest domed building in ancient Greece, was dedicated at the Samothracian Sanctuary in the 280s by Queen Arsinoë, wife of King Lysimachos, Demetrius’ mortal enemy. It seems unlikely that Demetrius would have been able to erect a victory monument in territory over which his enemy still held sway.

The most widely accepted interpretation of the Nike of Samothrace is that it was a commission of the Rhodian Eudamos in c. 190 BC. According to this interpretation, the general dedicated the sculpture at Samothrace because of its cult for sailors, and commissioned “one of the prominent artists of his time,” Pythokritos of Rhodes to create it, using marble from his home island to represent his own ship. Pythokritos of Rhodes seems as likely a sculptor for the Nike as Hieronymos, the former’s claim to the work being based upon stylistic comparison with a ship’s prow relief from Lindos. Of course, this comparison applies only to the general shape of the ship, which probably allowed for little creative license to begin with.

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Is it a valid claim that Pythokritos of Rhodes was the sculptor based on evidence of similar prows?

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There is nothing to either prove or disprove the argument about the Rhodian marble. The sculptor or dedicator may have chosen it for its aesthetic properties, or because the island of Rhodes had a special meaning for him. There is really no way to know. **** aesthetic properties, e.g.?

Perhaps the sculptor chose the Rhodian marble b/c he was Rhodian. *****

 

Eudamos’ defeat of Antiochus III is, in principle, an event of enough weight to warrant a major dedication like the Nike. However, Ridgway brings up an important point when, in her convincing refutation of this standard interpretation, she addresses the character of Rhodian dedications and commemoration of major events:

As far as is known at present, the Rhodians did not commemorate major events and victories in the same fashion as the Hellenistic monarchs....monumental compositions with commemorative character are unknown even from the local sanctuaries. It is surprising that one should have been erected on Samothrake, at a site not directly involved in the naval events against Antiochos, and not greatly tied to Rhodes by specific link.

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This argument has been answered on previous page: it relates to cult of sailors, not naval commemoration (Ridgway dismissed commemoration but not possibility of veneration of cult)

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No matter how important the victories, if Rhodes did not commemorate them with allegorical or religious statues like the Nike of Samothrace, then Eudamos’ victory cannot account for that piece. Ridgway’s final point, that Rhodes and its victories against Antiochus had no direct connection to Samothrace, is also important, again in context of the site-specific nature of the work. ***Here again you reference the site-specific nature of the Nike, with her carefully planned associations with local geography and religion. *****

However, the Seleucids (of whom Antiochus III was one) were patrons of the Samothracian cult before the battle. If the Rhodians wanted to enforce their defeat and usurpation of the Seleucid enemy, erecting a victory monument at a favorite Seleucid sanctuary would have been an ideal choice. However, in light of Ridgway’s comments, this would be out of character for the Rhodians, and, indeed, such a expropriation has no precedent that I can think of before the Aemilius Paullus monument of 167 BC.

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“such an expropriation?” the issue isn’t the expropriation, it’s the monument-building.

Is there a difference between appropriation and expropriation?

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The final thesis about the date and purpose of the Nike of Samothrace maintains that the sculpture is an Attalid dedication commemorating the Pergamene navy’s role in the defeat and capture of King Perseus of Macedonia in 167 BC. This thesis has never been explored in depth. Carpenter mentions it briefly, but does not present an argument for it, and Ridgway “would not exclude Pergamene influences” but does not go into detail. The possibility of a Pergamene dedication accords well with the style of the sculpture, since the closest understood analog to the roughly contemporary Nike is the Altar of Zeus at Pergamon. *** how about just “Closest analog?” ****

It also accords with the choice of Rhodian marble, since Rhodian sculptors may have assisted in the development of Pergamene sculpture. Therefore, a Pergamene or Rhodian sculptor would fit this theory, and either could have been familiar enough with the Rhodian stone to choose to work with it.

The capture of Perseus was an extremely important Roman and Pergamene triumph, well worth the dedication of the Nike. More than the defeat of Antiochus III, it signaled the end of the era of Alexander the Great and, at least for the pro-Roman Attalids, had the symbolic effect of returning Greece to its people.

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Capture of Perseus is end of era--eschatological significance. More about this?

Why would pro-Roman Attalids care especially about Greek exile?

(This is all really good.)

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The Pergamenes had no small part in this dramatic turn of world events, for not only was their fleet a critical factor in achieving the symbolic victory of capturing Perseus, but King Eumenes II himself convinced the Romans to declare war on Perseus and contributed heavily to the war effort with troops and warships, thus directly leading to the destruction of Macedonia.

Because Perseus fled to Samothrace seeking asylum after his defeat at Pydna and was then trapped there by the Pergamene navy, and thereby ultimately captured by the Romans, the island is the actual scene of victory, and, unlike the battle in the Hellespont, the Nike of Samothrace may really overlook the point of capture. *** Again we have this tension of commemorating victory vs. mocking defeat. **** Thus, the site-specificity of the Nike comes into focus. *** what focus? this is circular logic. You find a reason for it to be there and declare that it makes sense in light of site-specificity? **** She perpetually reenacts the Pergamene triumph over the Macedonian Empire. What is more, the Nike of Samothrace may work as an appropriation of the Macedonian patronage of Samothrace. **** “such an expropriation?” the issue isn’t the expropriation, it’s the monument-building.

Is there a difference between appropriation and expropriation?

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Unlike the Rhodians, the Attalids are well known for their lavish commemorative monuments, such as the Smaller and Larger Dedications on the Athenian and Pergamene Acropolises, respectively. The former is proof that Pergamon made such dedications to foreign cities to which it felt a special connection, and that it was interested in appropriating the traditions of these cities. The Pergamenes must have felt this special connection to Samothrace, not only because it was the site of ultimate victory in a war Eumenes had contrived, but also because the Samothracians themselves had acted rationally and given up Perseus after the island’s magistrates became convinced that he was undeserving of their protection. They believed his purported involvement in a plot to kill Eumenes at Delphi defiled the Samothracian sanctuary. *** This is an interesting connection to the theme of local religion that perhaps deserves exploration **** The Samothracian dedication is a different kind of appropriation, though-more the symbol of the coopting of a Macedonian stronghold as booty than the adoption of admired traits. From Alexander on, the Macedonian royal family had taken an interest in Samothrace and its religious cult, holding political sway over the island and supporting both it and its cult with financial gifts and dedications of numerous buildings and statues. In fact, one of these statues, a monumental bronze portrait of Perseus’ father, Philip V, dedicated upon the latter’s acquisition of the island c. 200 BC, was “prominently located in front of the stoa on the western hill”-a location along one of the major intended lines-of-sight for the Nike of Samothrace (Fig. 12). With the capture of King Perseus, Macedonian sway, specifically on the island of Samothrace-and over the Hellenic world in general-ended. By building a monument on Samothrace to commemorate this capture, the Pergamenes in effect, appropriated Macedonian territory to celebrate Macedonian defeat. The monument’s location, crowning and overlooking the sanctuary at which generations of Macedonian kings had worshiped, and defiantly facing the victory statue of King Perseus’ own father, made the Nike a strong reminder of the defeat of the island’s former Macedonian masters.***My response here is that the monument in this hypothesis functions as a reminder of defeat, like the ruined ships on the coins. I think this is an interesting question: how much is a celebration of the enemy’s defeat the same as a celebration of one’s own victory. I think a great deal. My sense is that you would agree, because before you dismissed the idea of a celebration of defeat and here you seem to be supporting it.

*****

This is the kind of appropriation associated with the other famous monument commemorating the defeat of Perseus: the Aemelius Paullus monument at the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi (Fig. 19), constructed by the victorious Roman commander after his victory at Pydna utilizing the base of a monument originally intended to commemorate Perseus himself. If the Nike of Samothrace is indeed a Pergamene monument to the capture of Perseus, then it can be seen as the “Greek” counterpart to the Aemillius Paullus monument.

*****

 

The difference is that the Attalids dedicated it to the Pergamenes, not to themselves. This strikes me as unusual and noteworthy.

What function does it serve to describe the Nike as the Greek counterpart of the Aemilius Paullus?

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The Nike of Samothrace would then carry forward the propagandistic Attalid tradition of Pergamon as a “new Athens.”

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How does the concept of a new Athens fit into the notion of the ship of state?

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It is a prevalent view that, according to this tradition, the Attalids saw themselves as the protectors (and sometimes as the saviors) of Greek civilization, maintaining the order of the civilized world against the chaos of exterior forces. In their victory monument on the Athenian Acropolis, the Attalids visually compared their defeat of the Gauls in late third century BC to the Athenian defeat of the Persians in 480 BC, as well as to the legendary battle between Athenians and Amazons, and the mythical battle of the Giants and gods. The Nike of Samothrace, as a Pergamene dedication, can be understood as another monument to Attalid salvation of Greek civilization. This is a particularly appropriate theme for a Pan-Hellenic sanctuary like Samothrace; what better place to declare that Pergamon has once again removed a foreign power from Greece?

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How do we deduce ‘pan-Hellenic’ intentions? What does this mean anyway? I think the only way to establish this is to mention some of the other monuments at the site, which derive from a variety of eras and regional traditions.

 

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And what more appropriate way to depict the triumph of Greek “order” than with a graceful Nike figure, elaborate drapery recalling that on the Athenian Acropolis’ Nike Parapet, fighting her way through chaotic wind and water to guide the Pan-Hellenic “Ship of State” once again to order and peace?

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Here you say this is a triumph of Greek “order.” In spite of your quotation marks, I see this as in conflict with all the language from the beginning about the dynamism and ‘irregularity’ of the statue, ‘naturlistic, ‘uneven,’ even ‘chaotic’ you say. Obviously there is a difference between formal characteristics and symbolic intention, but perhaps this needs to be fleshed out: perhaps it, rather inorganically, divorces Greek aesthetics from their overall political program.

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Conclusions

When seen as an Attalid victory dedication in the tradition both of earlier Pergamene works like the Smaller Attalid Dedication and of contemporary counterparts like the Aemillius Paullus Monument, the famous Nike of Samothrace, long described simply as an exquisite depiction of forward motion, becomes an intellectually complex monument to the fall of the one-time conquering Maceconians. While other interpretations of the date and purpose of the Nike fail to account for all the elements relevant to the work: style, site specificity, and cultural traditions of commemoration, the Pergamon interpretation correlates all of these components and lends a new dimension to our understanding of the Nike. She becomes an emblem of the famous Attalid generosity, intellectualism, and interest in cutting-edge artistic depiction, using formal elements (such as drapery folds and bodily torsion), a fountain installation, and reference to the natural surroundings to create a dramatic and immediate sense of the struggle with chaos.

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Here again you talk about chaos -- immediately following a discussion of Greek ‘order.’

You talk about all these things the Attalid dedication represents --intellectualism and philosophy, etc., etc., the city state’s image as the hero of the newly redefined world stage, the connection with Athens.

 

 

 

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These elements allow the Nike to carry the Hellenistic Baroque style one step beyond the Altar of Zeus (c. 180 BC, about twenty years before the Nike and more formulaic in its style) and into an even more dramatic and theatrical realm. *** Dramatic and theatrical seems opposed to naturalism, in a way. At least how we define naturalism now--this may be a more Renaissance concept of naturalism.*** The Nike also carries Attalid appropriation of Athenian values to a higher level, beyond imitation and into the realm of invention.

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‘Beyond imitation and into the realm of invention’ may be too ambiguous and controversial a statement to have so close to the end where it can’t be explained. See, I would call the territory beyond imitation ‘decadence.’

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The Altar of Zeus and Smaller Attalid Dedication (c. 200 BC) evoke fifth-century Athenian values by adapting Athenian motifs (e.g., the Gigantomachy), showing an interest in intellectualism and philosophy, and developing a new style appropriate to the city-state’s image as the hero of the newly redefined world stage (for Athens, the “golden age” imagery of Classical art; for Pergamon, the more troubled imagery of the Hellenistic Baroque). The Nike of Samothrace may convey its connection to Athens by referring to a Classical type from the Nike Parapet (Fig. 20), but it completely transforms her into an icon of the new Pergamene Hellenistic Baroque, making her colossal, dramatic, active, and marked by chaotic rhythms. Similarly, the Nike no longer relies on allusion to the Athenian past to create an image of Pergamon as the savior of Greek culture. Instead, it conveys this message through style and the metaphor of the “Ship of State.” And finally, the Nike may even be a bridge into the realm of Greco-Roman art, not only foreshadowing the dramatically realistic effects of such Roman fountain-ensembles as that at Sperlonga, but also acting as a Greek version of the Aemillius Paullus monument, standing in a great Greek sanctuary as testimony to victory over an enemy whose family had once planned its own monuments there.

***Your conclusion is concise and strong. I find the reference to Roman fountain-ensembles interesting but maybe extraneous. Connections to Greco-Roman art should maybe be saved for another paper. ******

 

 

Endnotes

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I hope that this has been helpful. Feel free to contact me with any questions.

ABG