IENG SARY’S REGIME: A Diary of the Khmer Rouge Foreign Ministry, 1976-79
Translated by Phat Kosal and Ben Kiernan
with Sorya Sim
Yale Center for International and Area Studies
New Haven, Connecticut
September 1998
CONTENTS
Note on the document
Ieng Sary
and the Khmer Rouge Hierarchy
by Ben Kiernan
TRANSLATION
[B-1:
The DK Ministry of Foreign Affairs]
The Party Statutes
The Statutes
of the Kampuchean Communist Youth [League]
(21 May 1976)
The Cell Congress
(22 May 1976)
The B-1
Ministry Congress (10 July 1976)
Document
3: Angkar’s view of the masses and the mass line
Document
4: View of the contemporary world situation and Southeast Asia
Document
5: View of the contemporary situation in Cambodia
THE MINUTES OF THE SUB-CELL MEETING
DOCUMENTS
ON CONSCIOUSNESS (30-11-1976)
Document 2: About Class Contradictions
Document 3: About the Authority and Proletarian Class Dedication of the Party
Document 4: About Class Struggle . . .
VIEW OF THE SITUATION OF THE
KAMPUCHEAN REVOLUTION TODAY
On the results of
the 1976 Plan and follow-up tasks to complete the 1976 Plan.
CERTAIN
ISSUES RELATED TO THE 1977 PLAN
DOCUMENTS
ON THE ORGANIZATIONAL SECTOR: Statutes of the Communist Party of Kampuchea
Constructive
Ideas from the Collective (11-12-1976)
01-08-1978 [sic]
Statements At The Closing
Of The Party Training Course - December 1976
The Cell Congress
on 18 January 1977.
21/01/77
The work task meetings of the sub-cells
The slogans
at the Party Hall, Nov.30,76.
NOTE ON THE DOCUMENT
This anonymous document was discovered in early 1979 by a Cambodian returning to Phnom Penh from the countryside, who found it and a number of other documents in a house apparently recently vacated by Ieng Sary, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Democratic Kampuchea. In 1986, the finder kindly gave Ben Kiernan permission to copy this small archive, which included confidential minutes of 1975-76 meetings of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK), of which Ieng Sary was a leading member. The minutes appear to have been Ieng Sary’s personal copies. (For a listing, see Ben Kiernan, The Pol Pot Regime, Yale University Press, 1996, p. 324 n.60.) Although the author of the document translated here is unnamed, a reading suggests that it must have been a senior aide to Ieng Sary. It is Ieng Sary’s revolutionary pseudonym, ‘Van,’ which appears frequently in the diary, followed by comments attributed to him. Very likely, the major part of the text is a summary record of speeches and documents prepared or distributed by Ieng Sary.
In July 1976, at a Foreign Ministry congress, officials were
warned about
Although political and ideological material comprises the
majority of this text, sad personal notes and farewell letters to a loved
one predominate towards the end of the diary. In late 1977, for instance,
we find the following note:
Our pagination, inserted in square brackets, records the consecutive two-page spreads of the original. For the reader's convenience we have created headings for a contents page which we have placed before of the translation.
For those whose interest in this document lies mostly in
Ieng Sary's role in the Democratic Kampuchea regime, it would be useful
to search under "Van", his revolutionary name, to locate relevant sections.
Additional information on Ieng Sary can be found in the CGP's biographic
database (http://www.yale.edu/cgp/cgdb/bio.htm).
In 1975-76, Ieng Sary, or ‘Van’, brother-in-law of Pol Pot, was no. 3 in the hierarchy of the ruling Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK), after Pol Pot and Nuon Chea. In August 1975, Ieng Sary was named Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Foreign Affairs, and held that position throughout the Democratic Kampuchea (DK) regime. In August 1978, according to one source, he occupied fourth position in the CPK hierarchy (see below).
Ieng Sary’s deputy in the DK Foreign Ministry, Hong (see p. 12 below), has been described as the ‘right arm of Ieng Sary and nephew of Pol Pot.’ (Y Phandara, Retour à Phnom Penh, Paris, 1982, pp. 176, 224, 226, 185.)
Sources on the CPK hierarchy, 1975-1979
On 18 April 1975, the day after Phnom Penh fell to the Khmer Rouge, an anonymous source reported by Associated Press, Bangkok, listed the leaders of the newly victorious but still secret Communist Party of Kampuchea. These were, in order: Saloth Sar, Ieng Sary, ‘Son’ [Son Sen?], Nuon Chea, and So Vanna alias ‘Poem’ [So Phim].
When General Nguyen Xuan Hoang visited Phnom Penh as a member of a Vietnamese delegation in July 1975, he was informed by Cambodian party officials of the following rank order of the Standing Committee of the CPK Central Committee: Saloth Sar [Pol Pot], Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary, So Vanna [So Phim], Sombat [Moul Sambath alias Ros Nhim], Vorn Vet, and ‘Ta’ Mok [Chhit Choeun]. (Interview with Ben Kiernan, Hanoi, 4 November 1980.)
The first three rankings were confirmed by the account of a Democratic Kampuchea helicopter pilot, Pech Lim Kuon, who defected to Thailand on 30 April 1976. Kuon told Bruce Palling in an interview (Bangkok, 3 May 1976) that the top five in the CPK hierarchy were, in order: Saloth Sar, ‘Nuon’, Ieng Sary, Son Sen, and ‘Yan’ [So Phim].
The minutes of the 9 October 1975 CPK Standing Committee meeting, which ‘allocated tasks and operational matters,’ also list Ieng Sary in third-ranking position in the hierarchy, with responsibility for ‘both Party and State foreign relations.’
Similarly, minutes of the CPK Standing Committee meetings of 3, 7 and 14 May 1976 all record the first four members present as follows: ‘Comrade Secretary [Pol Pot], Comrade Deputy Secretary [Nuon Chea], Comrade Van [Ieng Sary], Comrade Vorn [Vorn Vet].’ When ‘Comrade Khieu’ [Son Sen] was present, he was named next, just before ‘Comrade Hem’ [Khieu Samphan].
A translated excerpt from minutes of a CPK Standing Committee meeting on 11 April 1977, records that the following members were present: Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, Phin [So Phim?], Mok, Vorn Vet, Ieng Sary, Moul Sambath, Ke Pauk and Son Sen. (People’s Revolutionary Tribunal, Phnom Penh, August 1979, Document no. 2.5.23, French version, Khmer text unavailable).
In August 1978, according to a member of the CPK Central Committee, the rank order was: Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, ‘Ta’ Mok, Ieng Sary, Vorn Vet, Son Sen, and Keu. The first five, including Ieng Sary, were full members of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee of the CPK, the last two reportedly being candidate members. (Chap Lonh, interview with Stephen Heder, Chanthaburi, 12 March 1980.)
Readers are invited to consult the entries on these and other CPK leaders in the CGP’s Cambodian Biographical Database, and in the index of The Pol Pot Regime.
New Haven, January 1997 - September 1998.
[B-1: The DK Ministry of Foreign Affairs]
[Page 1]
[printed diary frontispiece; apparently followed by a section
now missing]
[2]
3- Firmly grasp and clearly understand the regulations of our party statutes so that we each can become active fighters in advancing the Three Movements in our Ministry correctly and well. Strengthen and expand the Party in our Ministry on the basis of the Three Movements:
1. Self-criticism
2. Economizing
3. The movement to learn in all fields of politics, culture and technology
Mechanisms of Learning
1. General lectures on the party statutes
2. Read the statutes point by point and get our comrades involved
THE WEAKNESSES OF THE MINISTRY ‘B-1’ [Foreign Ministry]
1. Disconnected from the masses
2. Authoritarianism and individual property
[3]
I. Comprehensive meaning of the statutes
BRIEF HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Our party came into existence in 1954, when there were not yet any Party statutes at all. At that time we had only tactical tasks. Therefore, in order to get our party members to understand, in 1960 there were clear statutes for the party entitled, "Workers Party of Kampuchea." In 1963, we found the title not yet appropriate and only in 1971 did the party congress rename the party in its statutes, the Communist Party of Kampuchea.
Only after 17 April 1975 did Angkar [‘the Organization,’ the CPK] have correct organization.
1. IMPORTANT POINTS OF THE STATUTES
1. Secrecy and the party standpoint
2. About party members
3. Ten qualifications for selection
I- STANDPOINTS AND SECRECY AS THE BASIS
1. Nowadays the party leads the Socialist Revolution. The soul of the Socialist Revolution is to smash individual ownership; we must be very careful with our party members.
2. The Communist Party is the party of the working class. The party has guided people of all walks of life to struggle in the National Democratic Revolution and finally gained success, and the party has continued to make Socialist Revolution, with leadership to make the Socialist Revolution hardcore and monopolize all fields (politics, economics, consciousness, culture and technology). The party is the highest organizing unit of the nation and the working class.
1. The nature of workers
2. The nature of front-line troops
[4]
3. Commander-in-chief (as the one who is responsible before the party)
4. Working closely with the masses, the Communist Party represents the interests of the peasant and worker classes and of the entire nation.
3. New Strategic Standpoint: That is, to make the Socialist Revolution and to build up socialism in Cambodia (Angkar determined that 3 riels are equal to 1 dollar [3 riels = US$1]) and to continue practicing communism in the future.
4. The party takes Marxist-Leninist theory as the basis of its view and as a compass in a combination of theory and real practice, which are considered the most important factors.
The core of Marxism is dialectical materialism and historical materialism. (Therefore we will eradicate idealism. Don't be surprised at all whenever there are various problems, because these are normal contradictions.)
* Historical materialism means human society always evolves and never stays still. The soul of historical materialism is the class struggle.
The party takes the proletarian worldview and proletarian life-view (live by thinking collectively).
The worldview and life-view in the party as a whole are in the petty-bourgeois form. The party opposes idealism, such as considering everything either good or bad.
- Experimentalism: mostly concerns taking things to do experiments on.
- Theorems [book-ism]: always bases one's ideas on theories.
5. The party always adheres to its concept and mass guidelines (generally speaking, believe the masses) and love, respect and serve the masses and trust the masses.
6. The Communist Party of Kampuchea was organized according to democratic centralism, with very thorough and firm organizational discipline.
The party opposes independent-mindedness
- sectoral partisanship
[5]
7. The party takes the means of criticism and self-criticism in order daily to build up the party.
8. The party adheres to the principle of independence-mastery and self-reliance. In 1970, Vietnam had [us] join a combined command, but the party has learnt from such experience since 1954.
9. The Kampuchean revolution cannot be separated from the international revolution.
- Proletarian patriotism: never see ourselves better than others or attempt to swallow someone else's country.
- Proletarian internationalism: helping other countries that are exploited or oppressed by others.
CHAPTER I
Article 1:
1. Requirements for joining the Party: The core organizations of the party are the Kampuchean Communist Youth Association and the Pillar Organization (angkar bongkoul)
THE FIRST REQUIREMENT
a. Must be active in combat, [19]70-74.
b. Must have a good class background, especially from the proletarian class of the party with increasing firmness.
c. Must have good moral lifestyle and be politically clean.
d. Must ask and evaluate the opinions of the masses.
e. Must have a clear-cut personal biography, describing his/her life from his/her birthplace [moulthan kamnaet].
THE SECOND REQUIREMENT
1. The Bases: four levels must decide before he/she can become a party member.
2. The Military: five levels must decide before he/she can become a party member.
3. Offices and Ministries: four party levels must decide and agree before he/she can become a party member.
[6]
ARTICLE 2: THE TASKS OF PARTY MEMBERS
1. The tasks among the masses:
a. Propagandize and educate the masses; work closely with, love, respect, live cordially with, and serve them.
b. Always promote the involvement of the masses such as to be economical and always active in work.
2. The internal tasks:
a. Always participate in the livelihood meetings of the party branches regardless of one’s position or rank.
b. Unconditionally obey the organizational discipline of the party.
c. Try hard to build up the political standpoint of the party.
d. Strengthen internal unity and solidarity within the party.
e. Try hard to maintain party secrecy and constant revolutionary vigilance.
f. Do one's best at criticism and self-criticism as much as possible.
g. Must have the standpoint of proletarian patriotism and internationalism.
h. Try hard to learn scientific and technical lessons.
Article 3: The rights of party members
Article 4: Party discipline
CHAPTER 2
Article 5: The ten qualifications
[7]
21/5/76. THE STATUTES OF THE YUVAKOK LEAGUE
[‘Yuvakok’ is from the Khmer initials of the words ‘Kampuchean Communist Youth’]
REQUESTS:
First : To make our comrades clearly understand the essence of the statutes so that the party members and the Yuvakok League can become core members of the Ministry.
Second: Comrades of the Yuvakok League need to build themselves up in respect to the standpoints of consciousness, politics and organization.
Third: In terms of organization, the Yuvakok League must exist in its own group.
I- SECRECY AND THE BASIC POLITICAL STANDPOINT OF THE YUVAKOK LEAGUE
1. The Youth Organization is known as ‘Sompoan Yuvakok’ [Kampuchean Communist Youth League]. When it first came into existence, it was called the "Democratic Youth League" (15 Feb. 1961) and in 1971, it was changed to Kampuchean Communist Youth.
2. The Yuvakok League is the right hand of the party.
3. The Yuvakok League must be under the direct leadership of the party.
4. There are two natures of the Yuvakok League:
- its proletarian nature.
- its pioneer nature.
5. Strategic standpoint of the Yuvakok League.
[8]
THE REPORTS OF THE CELLS (sakha)
I. THE TASKS OF THE CELLS
a. Among the masses, the cells have the duty to make the masses understand the party line and also be aware of their duties in accordance with the line of gathering friends to the maximum so that the masses have national pride and belief in the party’s leadership.
Disadvantages: The political level of the masses is still weak. That is to say, they don't yet know how to investigate and control enemies; the masses are still peaceable.
Reasons for advantages: The masses make good progress through lessons successively learned from meetings.
Reasons for shortcomings: The minority of the masses don’t yet love the collectives. The masses have no idea to build and make criticisms higher up; there are still conflicts among our party members; our cells are still authoritarian; political learning and literacy among the masses are just based on administrative work.
The Organizational Sector: The masses have regular livelihood and clear learning.
THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE CELLS:
- Politics: Grasp hold of the political layers throughout the country; there are masses who respect and like [us]. Instill more and more the nature of the Yuvakok.
- Organize regular livelihood [meetings]: systematic education plans.
Disadvantages: The cells do not convene meetings and the Yuvakok League has not organized a Yuvakok group. It is afraid to assign tasks. It is observed that the education or livelihood of the Party and the Yuvakok are not beneficial.
Direction: Arrange the livelihood of the cells, grasp hold of the cells' tasks, encourage criticism and self-criticism movements to the boiling point, arrange the livelihood plan of the Yuvakok League organization and the Pillar Organization, and build up forces in the cells; strengthen and expand the core forces.
[9]
Brother Van's opinion:
The reports made by the cells are quite good and lessons could be learned in the cells.
CELLS SECTOR:
I. THE GENERAL TASKS OF THE CELLS (according to the party’s strategic line), foreign affairs
II. TASKS OF THE CORE UNITS (snoul)
1. [nothing in the text]
2. [nothing in the text]
III. THE TASKS OF THE CELLS WITHIN THE MASSES
The tasks of the masses:
1. Propaganda and education
2. Encouraging the involvement of the masses.
IV. THE INTERNAL TASKS OF THE CELLS
V. THE SPECIAL TASKS
- Supervise the Yuvakok League.
- Supervise the Pillar Organization.
WORK AMONG THE MASSES
The masses understand and obey the organizational discipline of the party. The party members must believe in the masses, must encourage the involvement of the masses and must have the mass line.
* All party members must have a clear mass-line and conception.
THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE CELLS
- Within the party, we must eliminate property. We must have meetings.
1. Must call for regular livelihood meetings.
2. Criticism and self-criticism.
3. Learn and derive experience from the plans.
[10]
THREE-MONTH PLAN OF THE CELLS
I. THE COLLECTIVE TASKS: Combine oneself to the nation-wide revolutionary movement and practically build up good foreign relationships, especially by gathering more and more friends around the world while reducing the number of enemies to a minimum.
II. THE TASKS OF THE CORE GROUPS (snoul)
1. Make the party members and Yuvakok absorb the statutes.
2. Implement the Three Movements:
1. Criticism, self-criticism.
2. Economization.
3. The movement to build politics and learn technology.
III. WORK TASKS AMONG THE MASSES
1. Propagandize and educate the masses to absorb the party line.
2. Learn from the revolutionary bulletins.
3. Meetings - movements of economization, criticism and self-criticism, motivation to study politics and culture.
IV. THE TASKS WITHIN THE PARTY
a. Constant education and building within.
b. Grasp hold of the strengthening and selection process.
d. Build party members (the problem of expanding by 5 members per three-month period)
- Yuvakok questions must be clearly divided up - good, fair and poor (expand by 5 members.)
- Assign the core organizations to control the work of the masses.
- Monthly cell livelihood meetings on the 30th and sub-cell meetings twice each month.
THE ESSENCE OF THE CELL MEETING: Carry out the Three Movements
Learning:
- Criticism and self-criticism documents (30), monthly lessons.
- The party statutes are to be learned within the sub-cells.
V. SLOGANS:
- Undertake to fulfill the tasks.
[11]
Tasks:
- Enhance the spirit of high revolutionary vigilance and crack down on all the enemy’s tactics.
The Ministry B-1 has 4 types of masses:
1. Progressive masses.
2. The first-level medium masses and the second-level medium masses, and those who cannot be corrected.
THE CELL THREE-MONTH PLAN
I. COLLECTIVE TASKS : Grasp hold of the strategic social line.
II. CORE-GROUP TASKS
1. Encourage the party members, the Yuvakok and the masses to grasp hold of the politics and the strategic line of the Socialist Revolution.
2. Promote the Three Movements:
1. Criticism and self criticism.
2. Economization.
3. The movement to learn politics, culture, literacy and technology.
3. Know one's own duties and upgrade self-creativeness.
III. THE TASKS OF THE CELLS AMONG THE MASSES
1. Propaganda and education.
a. Political understanding.
b. Furiously carry out all work to gain absolute victory:
1. View of the situation.
2. A new strategic line.
3. A world conception repressing individual consciousness.
[12]
b. Consciousness: Struggle to repress the consciousness of property and freedom, to build up the standpoint of comradeship and the collective standpoint.
c. Regular livelihood meetings, literacy classes, 3 months for illiterate people.
IV. THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE PARTY CELLS:
1. Promote a deep understanding of the [party] line.
Documents:
- View of the situation.
- A new strategic line.
- The party statutes.
Organization: The cell congresses in September. Expand the number of party members (by 5 members).
Yuvakok Section: Increase by 15 members.
Pillar members: Transfer 3 and increase by 1.
V. SPECIAL TASKS: Control the Yuvakok and the Pillar [Organization] constantly.
[Organization chart in the text]
PARTY
B Section: Brother VAN
Cell Committee
Sub-cell
Sub-cell on social affairs
Yuvakok group Committee
Pillar Organization
ADMINISTRATION
General Leadership Committee
VAN
HONG
ROTH
PANN
MUTH
- Office
- Political Section VAN
SARN
MUTH
YOURAN
- Protocol PANN
LORN
[13]
Statutes of the Communist Party of Kampuchea
Secrecy and the basic political standpoint of the party within the recent period of the socialist revolution and socialism.
1. Our revolutionary party is named, the "Communist Party of Kampuchea"
2. The Communist Party of Kampuchea is the party of the proletarian class. After the party succeeded in its National Democratic Revolution on 17 April 1975, the party has continued to guide the socialist revolution and build up socialism on the basis of monopoly in all sectors. The party has the nature of the highest organization of the Kampuchean proletarian class.
[14]
THE B-1 MINISTRY CONGRESS (10-7-1976)
THE INSTRUCTIONS OF THE CONGRESS
We met in order to hold the Ministry congress. Meeting for discussion.
PROGRAM
Request:
The Ministry B-1 has a political section, a protocol section, and the office.
1. Know the tasks clearly.
2. The world is casting its eyes on us. They want to know what the Cambodian revolution is like.
WORKING AGENDA
I. THE FIRST SECTION
1. The current political tasks of Democratic Kampuchea.
2. The party line of Angkar in foreign affairs.
3. The view and the mass line of Angkar.
4. The view of the world situation at the moment.
- The view of the current Cambodian situation.
[15]
5. Report all the activities of the Ministry.
6. Direction to rectify work in the [coming] one-year period (important)
THE CURRENT POLITICAL TASKS OF DEMOCRATIC KAMPUCHEA
Request:
1. To further absorb and understand the tasks of the Democratic Kampuchea.
2. To enhance the spirit of responsibility for such a supreme task.
Contents:
I. The contemporary situation of the society of Democratic Kampuchea.
II. The tasks to defend Democratic Kampuchea and the gains of the revolution.
III. The tasks to accelerate the rebuilding of the nation.
IV. The basic principle to implement the tasks of national construction and defense successfully.
[16]
I. THE SITUATION OF THE SOCIETY OF DEMOCRATIC KAMPUCHEA
1. Concerning the victory on 17 April 1975, foreigners always ask why we dare say that the victory is bigger than that of the Angkor era, because after Angkor, our country has retrogressed. Maybe in 1935, it was said that [the Hindu god] Vishnu came and built Angkor, until 1863 [when] the French came and took over. Angkor took 600 years to build.
The answer is that we can say the victory of 17 April 1975 overshadows the Angkor era because:
1. We have totally liberated our country from foreigners and from the yoke of exploitation. One may say that in the Angkor era also there was independence, but at that time the people did not leap forward fast. On the other hand, the fact that we put up our people as the masters of the nation is even greater.
2. Within Cambodian society at the moment, there is equality without rich or poor, and there are no longer capitalists, feudalists or petty-bourgeoisie, only workers and farmers.
3. We have regained the soul of the nation (but in the Angkor era, the soul of the nation was embedded under all the noble classes). The point is that everyone puts the national and collective interest above everything, without concern for private ownership. The 3 above reasons are considered the greatest victory.
How would the victory be brought about? It, of course, did not come by chance. It was owing to the countless sacrifices of our people and thanks to the bravery of our combatants overcoming all difficulties, especially under the correct leadership line of Angkar.
II. THE TASK OF DEFENDING THE COUNTRY AND THE GAINS OF THE REVOLUTION
Since the victory of 17 April, we have two tasks. Those are to defend the country and the gains of the revolution. The American imperialists are desperate in their tactics and they are not happy with our revolution. What's more, they are doing anything possible to destroy us; for example, the ruined Mayaguez ship and the bombing in Siem Reap. However, nowadays, the imperialists can not aggress our country with weapons. On the other hand, some opponents are opposed to us by maintaining that we must need foreign aid so that we can build up our nation and they do not want us to set a good example for the world.
[17]
The main task is to defend our country and the gains of the revolution.
III. THE TASK OF BUILDING THE COUNTRY
Since the war ended, our nation must develop our country rapidly. Angkar has raised this [goal] and has furiously attacked it for one year already. As a result, now we are successful without dependence on foreigners. Of course, our country remains in a difficult situation, but we observe that the difficult factors are not basic at all, such as lack of food, cattle and buffalo, and the people have many illnesses. But as for food, if we recall the [situation] last year, we see that we are progressing a lot.
Emerging from the war, we focus on agricultural tools. This year, we have made these agricultural necessities available to a great extent both in the rural and urban areas, but we have never met with starvation. This year alone, we have rice, cassava and corn. Since 17 April 1975, we have opened a new historical page in which we have brought back the entire production mechanism.
If we are compared to Vietnam and Laos, we see that Vietnam still remains a mixture of classes like Cambodia in 1965, whereas we have a complete class purification. In terms of rice production, Vietnam lacked 1,200,000 tons and Laos invited French companies to help, but we met basic needs which is unique in our history. In China, it is not good and in Russia, pretty good. Our strength is the entire labor force used for agricultural work; no one remains unoccupied. In terms of agriculture, just for one year, we achieved a great deal of production. Functioning of industries has gone smoothly and small factories have been put back into function. Another factor making it easy is the movement of task alteration, experiment, and the availability of agricultural tools.
- Modern agriculture within a 10- to 15-year period.
- Modern industry within a 15- to 20-year period.
IV. THE BASIC STANDPOINT TO IMPLEMENT THE TASKS OF NATIONAL CONSTRUCTION AND DEFENCE
1. Self-independence and self-reliance.
2. The standpoint of collective interest as a priority.
3. A standpoint of long-term struggle and combat.
[18]
4. Our line of activities is to pay attention to the political and consciousness standpoints, most importantly to the matter of organization and technology.
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
1. Do you agree with this document and do you think the practices carried out so far are correct or still contain gaps which may affect the interest of the 17 April victory?
2. With respect to national defense, do you all agree with the document distributed or not?
3. In terms of national construction, do you think we should encourage agriculture and rely on agriculture and build up industry in the manner of self-independence and self-reliance both in terms of ideas and standpoint, or what?
4. In terms of national defense and construction, should we give priority to consciousness and political elements, and take technology as secondary?
THE ENEMIES OF CAMBODIA
1. The arms and legs of the traitors, who are their lackeys
2. The imperialists and the liberals who bury themselves to carry out secret activities.
- [They] spy on us
[19]
- [They] divert the line.
- [They] provoke internal rebellion.
- The consciousness of private property is an enemy of the revolution.
MEASURES:
- Take the people as the basis by educating people, collectives, and syndicates to understand.
- Constantly educate our troops to understand the tasks of defending the country.
- Whereas, our Ministry of Foreign Affairs must make a major contribution to national construction by whatever means to gather more friends in the international arena and progressively reduce enemies to a minimum.
III. National construction needs a human labor force and we no longer have exploitation of our productivity
- In terms of advantages, we have a great deal of rich soil.
- Resources: people in collectives (digging a canal from the Pursat River to the Maung River, 50 km. long, took only three and a half months)
- Our capital we take from agriculture (1,600,000 [hectares])
ANGKAR’S POLITICAL LINE IN FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Requests:
1. Further instill and strengthen the foreign affairs line of Angkar.
2. Build up the firm standpoint and implement the line to achieve the tasks entrusted by Angkar.
Contents:
I. Angkar’s view of the situation as the standpoint and basis concerning the world situation.
II. The political line of Angkar in foreign affairs.
III. The basic standpoint to implement Angkar’s political line in foreign affairs.
[20]
COMMENTARY
I. THE VIEW OF THE SITUATION CONCERNING OUR BASIC STANDPOINT AND THE WORLD SITUATION
1. The world situation is complicated and evolves constantly, which makes the revolutionary forces grow stronger and stronger and go forward even though there have been some turning points.
2. The world is divided up into three blocs:
a. The imperialist and new and old colonialist blocs are heading downhill and grasping at their last straws to continue their method of exploitation. Strategically, they are getting weaker and weaker; but tactically, they struggle and attack violently, which may undermine the strength of our revolution if we don't adhere to high revolutionary vigilance.
b. The second bloc is the revolutionary forces, "the forces of socialism"; but in reality, these forces are opposed to socialism and to revolution. Shortly speaking, they are known as the "Revisionist bloc ". This bloc is in a state of building up their power to dominate other blocs, but they could not embrace the world and they are still weaker than the first bloc in all fields.
Furthermore, they have many weaknesses and difficulties both inside their own countries and in Africa and in the Middle East.
c. The third bloc are the countries which are unable to dominate the first and the second blocs; and they are delicious bones that the first and second blocs fight for, in order to expand their influence both economic and military. The third bloc is weaker than the first and second, but many of them have been trying to get back independence, the right to decide the destiny of their countries. The neutral movements are also within this bloc. The world revolutionary forces ongoing armed struggle and the struggle movements of workers and laborers to improve their living conditions are also in this bloc, especially the revolutionary movements in Southeast Asia.
[21]
3. The first and the second blocs are fighting one another for exclusive control over the third bloc countries.
4. The fourth concept: The ruling classes despaired of the American imperialist after we gained victory, and they went up to China and the free (world) for help, for instance Thailand.
5. The revolutionary movements in Southeast Asia are undergoing rapid increase and progress in Thailand and Malaysia.
II. THE POLITICAL LINE OF ANGKAR IN FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Based on its view of the world situation, Angkar has laid out the line as follows:
We have gathered more and more friends and, in the meantime, we reduce enemies to a minimum so that our enemies cannot isolate us.
Two essential points: Gathering friends and reducing the number of enemies; do not let the enemies isolate us, but instead, we isolate them; hereby, we do not waste time and it does not affect national reconstruction. We don't have to keep ourselves concerned about it but we have to realize that the enemies take actions to fight us and; in the meantime, we must strengthen and expand relationships with friends all over the world, especially revolutionary and peace-loving nations to defeat the American imperialists and the free (world). Concentrate mainly on the revolutionary forces in Southeast Asia and the progressive forces in both the Nonaligned Nations and the Third World and secondarily on the forces of justice in the world.
Essentially, we must gather the revolutionary force in Southeast Asia such as in Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia etc. We must pay attention to the close solidarity, mutual help, and the progressive force in the neutral block and the forces of justice.
Pay attention to close solidarity with the pure Marxist-Leninist forces, especially those with no conflicts with us.
Our foreign affairs policy is to reduce tension so that it doesn't affect the process of national construction.
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The 5 qualities with foreigners
We are in the great family of the Nonaligned Nations because:
III. The basic standpoint to implement Angkar’s line in foreign affairs
1. Try hard to strengthen subjectivity (attanomati) as the basis and of highest importance.
2. Strictly adhere to the standpoint of independence and mastery; endure all hardships and difficulties. In image, we must remain sincere and friendly as always.
3. The activities line is half-open and half-secret, but secrecy is the main basis.
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
1. What do you think of the view of the world situation?
2. Which bloc do you think is the strongest and the most successful one for the future?
3. What's the basic essence of the foreign affairs line?
4. What's the basic standpoint to implement the political line of Angkar?
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DOCUMENT No. 3 (Consciousness Section)
III. ANGKAR’S VIEW OF THE MASSES AND THE MASS LINE
Request:
1. We grasp hold and are aware of the roles of the masses who are the greatest and inexhaustible force.
2. We know how to work and monitor and listen to the masses’ opinions at each time of decision.
Contents:
I. The roles of the masses in the history.
II. Angkar' s concepts towards the masses
III. Practical experience emerging directly from the mass movements within the contemporary period of revolution, national construction and national defense.
IV. The mass line of Angkar.
I. THE ROLES OF THE MASSES IN HISTORY
The masses are a grouping of individuals en masse and they are the ones who create a society. They are the laborers who are the producers, the workers who are cleaner than other classes. Workers have the nature of organizational discipline, collective spirit. Whereas the petty-bourgeoisie, the exploiting feudalists, and capitalists "do not belong to the masses".
In history, the masses are the ones who feed the society, and create history. If we look back to ancient times, we see that at that time, there were slaves and masters; and later on, there were feudalists governing but they were all defeated by the craftsmen. Then, Marx found out the facts and encouraged struggle to fight against the capitalists and build socialism.
II. THE MASS CONCEPT OF ANGKAR
1. The rich and the poor are naturally inherent in human beings and they are fated by God (according to Christianity).
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2. The free (world) view says that equality cannot exist among the masses. There must be individual [ownership?].
In our Angkar everyone is equal. The masses have rights and power. The masses are the ones who feed the society. We must have belief and confidence in the masses. They have always persevered despite all obstacles. Human beings are the ones who divided up the society that we must eradicate. We see the masses as the greatest force. The masses are the ones who make history.
III. CONCRETE EXPERIENCE EMERGING FROM THE MASS MOVEMENT DURING THE COURSE OF OUR COUNTRY'S HISTORICAL STRUGGLE
- In 1955, when we were bare-handed, so we encouraged the involvement of the masses vigorously to fight with the (petty-bourgeois) Democratic party and we defeated them. This shows that without the masses, we would not have won.
- In 1958, there were traitors among us.
- In 1963, some lost belief in the masses but Angkar further educated and strengthened them.
- In 1965, we cut off diplomatic ties with America.
- In 1966, there was no more leadership; there was a fascist group in charge.
- In 1967, there was resistance in Battambang.
- In 1968, armed struggle for self-defense.
- In 1970, we relied on the masses to fight the American imperialists.
- In 1972, there was external pressure.
- In 1973, we established cooperatives.
Since 17 April 1975, the masses are the builders and defenders of the country.
IV. ANGKAR’S MASS LINE
We must listen to the requests of the masses, take into consideration the masses’ opinions, in order to avoid being subjective. Must learn from the masses because the masses may bring up bad, fairly good, and good points which we must balance as well.
THE TWO ESSENTIAL POINTS:
1- The mass concept:
The masses are the strength. We must believe, respect, love, and serve the masses.
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2-The mass line:
Learn and listen to the requests of the masses and pay attention to the masses' opinion. Assign the masses, observe and educate them systematically, and balance their opinions.
VIEW OF THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD SITUATION AND SOUTHEAST ASIA
Requests:
1. To analyze the current world situation clearly, we need clear-cut views and correct measures.
2. Clearly analyze and then determine the work direction in the right way in order to gather friends and isolate enemies to the maximum.
Contents:
I. View of the current world situation.
II. View of the strategies of the American imperialists in the world.
III. View of the strategies of Russia and its allies throughout the world.
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IV. View of the Southeast Asian situation and the strategies of Viet Nam and ASEAN.
V. View towards the neutral nations and the third bloc
VI. The tasks of our Democratic Kampuchea in the international arena.
VII. View of the world revolution.
COMMENTARY
I. VIEW OF THE CURRENT WORLD SITUATION
As far as the situation of Cambodia is concerned, our enemies have isolated us to an extent because they slander us, and some countries have been convinced and believe them. However, for the past year, such exaggerated propaganda has faded. Some friendly countries have praised us and asked if we can make it or not, but at some points they haven't understood clearly yet. Some other countries are aware that we are winning, but they have yet to support us. On the contrary, they have sought tactics to obstruct us from winning. Therefore, the world has seen our revolution as absolutely dedicated. We find that the first bloc are not happy and they are trying every possible means to obstruct and falsify our victory in an attempt to isolate us in the international arena. Nowadays, their tactics have been: First, to destroy (us) completely and then make plans (but they were defeated because we captured the plans in time) and now their tactics are to undermine our standpoint and provoke internal rebellion.
THE SECOND WORLD
Regarding their view, they argue that no country can gain victory without support from others nations. They do whatever possible to infiltrate their agents into our internal forces and these pests continue at all times to block our economic progress.
THE THIRD WORLD
Not yet clear-cut; but they see that this victory is pure and unique yet they can not do what Cambodia has done.
The first and second blocs conspire with each other against the third bloc.
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The ambition of the first and the second blocs to grasp hold of the third has made the people of the third bloc suffer a lot. In the meantime, revolutionary movements also broke out everywhere. The third bloc are not in agreement yet. Particularly, our country can not be infiltrated by the first and second blocs yet, but they are seeking any means to achieve their ambitions.
II. VIEW OF THE STRATEGIES OF THE AMERICAN IMPERIALISTS IN THE WORLD
Even though they were defeated, but they are now still seeking every means to grasp hold of the world. Nevertheless, despite all kinds of weapons and facilities, they have been successively defeated. Strategically, the influence of the American imperialists has vanished to thin air in Southeast Asia.
Anyway, don't be careless; we must observe their tactics even though less than before. Nowadays, they are feeding a group of traitors to become their spies. In other words, they are trying to smash our ruling mechanism. They have sought all methods of psychological tactics to test the possibilities.
III. View of the strategies of Russia and their allies around the world.
Nowadays Russia is strengthening its influence in the world and is very active in Asia, Africa and South America. In order to gather strategic forces, Russia has two tactics:
1. try to strengthen and expand their military forces; it has spent a great deal of capital in a sole attempt to extract influence in return.
The strength of Russia is not great. In terms of economics, it is weaker than the American imperialists.
In Asia, it is also hard for Russia to step in.
IV. THE SITUATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
After Indochina gained victory, there was the out-break of the revolutionary movements in Southeast Asia which have been expanding. The question is, whether Vietnam can play a role?
Vietnam's objective is to grasp hold of Southeast Asia, based on the victory it gained in Indochina. But Cambodia does not sit still; we overcome difficulties to set up communications with both the states and the struggle movements in those countries.
V. VIEW OF THE NONALIGNED NATIONS
- They want independence.
-
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Disadvantages:
The third bloc remains in contact with the first and second blocs. Nowadays, the latter are racing against each other in an attempt to grasp hold of the third (bloc). Our standpoint is that we rise up against those who interfere in our country.
VI. CONCERNING THE WORLD REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT
The revolutionary movements are expanding steadily and could wipe out the imperialists and the free (world) from their countries.
VII. OUR INTERNATIONAL TASKS
1. Continue implementing the foreign affairs policy effectively and actively to reduce enemies. Create a more relaxed atmosphere, gather more friends to the maximum.
2. Continue to fight to get friends in Southeast Asia and to make friends with the neutral countries in the world as well.
3. Pay attention to solidarity with Marxist parties.
4. Do our best to uphold subjectivity and the great movement of the Great Leap Forward.
VIEW OF THE CONTEMPORARY SITUATION IN CAMBODIA
Requests:
1. To what extent has Cambodia progressed? We want our friends to see the overall national situation.
2. Taking into consideration the view of the internal situation of the country, to what extent have we fulfilled our collective tasks in contributing to the 3-ton per-hectare plan?
Contents:
I. About national defense matters. Here we may look at 4 aspects:
1. Defend the internal affairs of the nation.
2. Defend our nation against the pests attempting to destroy our internal affairs.
3. Defend the Eastern border.
4. Defend the Western and Northern borders.
5. Defend our sea waters.
I. THE SITUATION OF NATIONAL CONSTRUCTION IN ALL FIELDS
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- Agricultural construction
- Industry
- Social affairs and medical systems
- Cultural construction
- Administrative construction
III. VIEW OF THE CURRENT SITUATION OF OUR COUNTRY AT THE MOMENT
- Generally, what is the situation like?
- What are the difficulties?
IV. THE ACTIVITY-LINE OF OUR COUNTRY NOWADAYS
V. OUR DUTIES TO FULFIL THE CORE TASKS IN CONTRIBUTION TO THE BUILDING OF THE ENTIRE NATION
COMMENTARY
I. THE NATIONAL DEFENCE SITUATION
Generally speaking, in April 1975, the overall situation was OK, which enabled us to build our country in all fields. After 17 April 1975, we had plans to protect our internal affairs. From January up to now, in March 1976, they attempted to destroy our ruling machine. There followed turmoil breaking out in various embassies, bomb explosions to destroy the Royal Palace. We found out the network of the perpetrators who had disguised themselves within our military ranks from 1965 or 1968. We can see the chain connecting since the war, so it's quite complicated. It took us 3 months before we found out the chain of bad elements. Therefore, we must investigate thoroughly all staff of both sexes in every Ministry.
Now, their unpromising plans have been completely destroyed. However, we must continue further criticism as the enemies are attacking our standpoint, so we must see that and be careful.
2. The pests buried within. In our country, 1% to 5% are traitors, [who are] boring in. So we must investigate their personal biographies clearly and carry out self-criticism, especially in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. All the embassies want to know about [our] leaders for two reasons, first to report to their countries and second, to fulfil their various goals.
Nowadays, in particular, embassies that have much connection with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs may spy and undermine the standpoint of our combatants and cadres.
3. The situation concerning the Eastern border. Generally speaking, we have made good progress; we can defend our border. However, there are still petty disturbances. They are doing this just to encourage their components inside.
4. The situation on the Western and Northern borders. The situation there is stable. In the West, there was the spread of chemical poison at Thmar Puok. In Preah Vihear, 30 robbers came in to carry out activities. In Koh Kong, there were clashes; and at sea, there were intrusions for fishing. Laotians also came in as well, but we caught them and sent them back. Nowadays, there is 100% security.
II. CONSTRUCTION IN ALL FIELDS
AGRICULTURE:
Generally speaking, from July 1975 to July 1976, we see that agriculture increased by 10 to 20 times. Very early in the year, we could grow some short-term rice. In the Northeast, there is enough rain, and in the North; there is concern in Pursat; in the West, there is too much rain; whereas in the Southwest and East, the situation is normal. This year, the plan is to complete construction of the rice paddy embankment system by 30% and we have completed the plan 100%. We have an inadequate labor force due to illness. We must work on the rich soil first. The movement to make natural fertilizer has been productive throughout the country. Therefore, our agriculture has been productive and has grown. Our [peasant] brothers and sisters are very happy and work enthusiastically, but there are still difficulties for our [ethnic] Chinese brothers and sisters, as they are still unaccustomed.
INDUSTRY
Nowadays, we gather spare parts for machinery to set up large and modern factories.
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All the factories are functioning, but there is still a lack of cotton. The cement, iron-smelting and electricity works in Kirirom are not yet back in operation. Our factories have produced tens of tons of soft-drink, beer, wine, and rubber, per day. Therefore, our workers are now emerging from long-festering poverty.
TRANSPORTATION: Roads, navigation and railways are comfortable. We have taken out all mines planted in the Mekong River, but have not yet pulled ashore all the sunken ships. Our harbors have been constructed. Many foreign ships have now asked permission to use our harbors. Our oil-refinery is functioning. We have discovered almost 100 tons of coal.
AUTHORITY: In early 1976, the administrative system was not clear, but with the resignation of Sihanouk, we have now installed a really clean [administrative structure].
We have organized the People's Representative Assembly, the State Presidium and the Council of Ministers. We have cleared away the feudalist regime. Our current authority is stable and firm. Angkar rules directly and absolutely monopolizes authority.
SOCIAL AFFAIRS AND MEDICAL CARE
- We have built up medical specialists. We are able to produce medicine. We master this field 100% at the moment.
- With respect to culture, we have published booklets for learning. We both work and learn at the same time. We don' t follow the educational system of the old regime.
III. VIEW OF THE SITUATION IN OUR COUNTRY
As far as national defense and construction are concerned, our view is that:
1. The situation in our country is stable, not of much concern. Still, we have difficulty at some points, as we are in the period of transition. Our enemies such as the US imperialists are obstructing our way. Our food supply is not yet adequate, even though we still have enough to survive and have never starved. However, this is just a subsidiary issue to deal with. It is not of much concern to us, actually we just grow, grow, and grow a variety of crops. Our base farmers are very active and they will become better-off, and our new farmers are also getting better off now.
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All private property will become state property of the collective movement so that we have the conviction that the situation in our country will be good. Therefore, we have to run, to build up quickly, not let our enemies plague us.
THERE ARE THREE TYPES OF CONSCIOUSNESS
- The consciousness of belief in the [party] line and commitment to fulfil [tasks].
- The consciousness of instability, still reluctant, not clear-minded. When they get stuck, with no way to get out, they calm down but still wait and judge the situation to seek out the possibilities.
- The consciousness of another, which goes with this: concern about not seeing what their future will be like.
We have now have passed through the flames of war, making us proud in having been tempered. In the next generation, when the scars of war fade away, we will recollect our period of the struggle we have undergone.
IV. OUR LINE OF ACTIVITIES
We have learnt by experience for 6 months and we see that the movement is the strongest ever seen.
We must make sure that we are on the right path. The criticism and economization movements must be directed to the goals set. This line of activities must be collectively discussed.
Activities in the Ministry must be monitored. We must know what to do first and what to do later, and where it should be done. We must critically think whether or not we can draw benefit from that particular activity. Our activity-line is to seek rich oil and water sources first. A national plan: We must grow corns and green beans...
For industry, we must gather together all our labor force to manufacture equipment to serve agriculture: hoes, water pumps and threshing machines ...
The line of national defense depends heavily on the people and troops. The activity-line of the B-1 Ministry must have a commitment of sacrifice and close solidarity with Marxism-Leninism and progressive countries, for success.
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V. OUR TASK TO CONTRIBUTE TO THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ALL TASKS
We in the field of foreign affairs, we must do whatever we can to know how to establish connections with foreigners so that they feel warm and cordial with us. Gather friends to the maximum so that enemies cannot isolate us.
We make a contribution to the three-ton per-hectare plan. We must fulfill our tasks to the maximum; for example, driving cars, cooking rice, working in embassies and markets. Our concept is to have a firm standpoint and spread the standpoint everywhere, so we must try hard to be economical, or send the various equipment to the rural areas.
Another contribution in the work of the ministry is that we must share experiences and sum up experiences in our local way.
CORE: THREE TONS PER HECTARE:
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
1. What's the situation of our enemies? How are they able to attack us?
2. What's the situation like on our side? How do you contribute to the plan of three tons per hectare?
CONCLUSION:
The congress has unanimously agreed.
- It is very interesting that the enemies have no capacity to attack us from outside. But their tactics are to smash our engine of leadership.
- [They] verbally attack Angkar’s standpoint and political line. Our enemies mostly attack via this route, so we must have revolutionary vigilance, and adhere to criticism and self-criticism.
- Our people provide favorable conditions.
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14-7-1976: OBJECTIVES TO DIRECT THE WORK OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS FROM JULY 1976 TO JULY 1977
Requests:
1. Our comrades see the collective work directions and various directives of the Ministry.
2. We gain knowledge of the work in all sectors of the Ministry.
I. THE COMMON TASKS OF THE MINISTRY
The common tasks of the nation are to defend the country, protect the interests of the revolution and construct the country. Our common task is to do our best to fulfil our duties, and overcome difficulties actively. As for our neighboring countries, we must reduce tension and create a friendly environment with them to the maximum. We must also build up our subjectivity.
In the meantime, we must move heaven and earth to fight for friendship with other countries in Southeast Asia, the Nonaligned Nations and throughout the world so that our enemies can not isolate us. We must do our best to strengthen our solidarity with Marxist-Leninist parties, the revolutionary movements in Asia and in the rest of the world, on the basis of mutual interest. This spirit contributes to achieving the common task of the nation for 1976, that is, the plan of three tons per hectare.
II. CORE WORK
1. Link the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with the tasks of the nation. Defend the country, protect the interests of the nation, continue the Socialist Revolution and build up socialism.
2. Overcome difficulty to build up the standpoint and the consciousness of the entire Ministry. Do away with a non-revolutionary standpoint. Enhance the consciousness of patriotism, internationalism and proletarianism.
3. Try hard to build up core leadership and cadres in the Ministry to the maximum; build up the quality of cadres in all fields.
III. ESSENTIAL WORK
1. Continue to push forward the Three Movements:
- Criticism, self-criticism
- Economization
- Lesson learning
actively and vigorously so that the entire Ministry is well absorbed.
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Criticism can be done by monitoring daily work so that we consider the results of the work against the standpoint and spirit.
2. Very close relations with our neighboring countries.
3. Controlling and monitoring embassies inside and outside the country.
4. Improve all fields to achieve self-mastery and perform duties in the best possible way, especially in the political sector so that it can become a headquarters of the Ministry. (Keep up on the world evolution of politics, military and economics.)
5. Be ready to receive ships, and to prepare ships to be sent out.
6. Protect the Ministry against the infiltration of secret agents of enemies and other intelligence.
IV. ALL WORKING SECTORS
1. Propaganda and education unit
2. Office
3. Farming
4. Political sector
5. Protocol office
6. Secretariat and Assembly
7. Civil aviation
1. The activities of the propaganda and education unit
The policy is to instill the collective ideas of the new Kampuchean society clearly and in depth. Educate the people in the guidelines and tasks to defend the nation and protect the interests of the revolution, the guideline to construct society in Cambodia by disseminating propaganda and education about various basic standpoints in order that our comrades in the entire Ministry will carry out their respective duties effectively. Besides, we educate them to be aware of the situation in the country and to adhere to the correct standpoint and also to make them aware of the world situation as well, especially the fact that the world now is divided up into three separate blocs 1) first world, 2) second world, and 3) third world; and that the revolutionary movements throughout the world are now in a rapid increase. Our goal is to properly carry out foreign affairs policy.
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Regarding spirit, we must instill in them the spirit of proletarian patriotism and internationalism. Instill in them in depth a firm proletarian standpoint in all fields. In the meantime, encourage an acceptance of the causal genesis of dialectical materialism and history (everything is always inter-connected, everything always changes from a small to a big size, and everything always remains in conflict).
According to world history, human society always evolves through class struggle against dictatorial regimes.
2. Office
Grasp hold of all tasks, personnel, their regular livelihood. (Our) duty is to control all the embassies inside and outside the country. Monitor all activities, standpoints and spirits of the personnel. Build up non-party cell members, and cadres in all fields. Pay attention to the needs of all the cadres and all the work in the office, aviation affairs and protocol office etc. (We) Must consider at all times to handle pests buried inside, to effectively protect our Ministry. Be well prepared to receive ambassadors and guests. The chiefs of the Offices must hold regular meetings and push forward the Three Movements with the pointed stick.
To function well in the offices, (we) must have a firm standpoint, a high spirit and organization as necessary, self-mastery, and a strong standpoint to crack down on espionage war, so that spies can not infiltrate into our Ministry.
3. The production sector
Instill in them [guests] and ourselves the standpoint of self-sustainability. Have clear farming plans, and plans to ask for support from Angkar. Meet our own production plans such as vegetable cultivation and animal husbandry. This must be done within our capacity, not too large or too small. Plans must be set up by the B-1 Ministry and the M-1 office, must be clear. Be thrifty in the reception of guests, especially daily eating.
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We must have strategic crop-growing plans, such as choosing good rice seed for receiving guests. Regarding farming, we must try hard to prepare all necessary agricultural tools and natural fertilizer to the maximum, by requesting support from Angkar. Have a clear plan in supplying markets and have clear record books. We must learn every detail for each month in order to conduct a review to take effective measures and to serve the Ministry effectively. Assign clear sector chiefs and educate them to understand their collective tasks, especially those of the Ministry. Focus on educating combatants of both sexes in a collective standpoint. Focus on others and get rid of sector partisanship.
4. Political sector
Do whatever possible to transform this sector into the headquarters of the Ministry because:
- Politics needs to be strengthened in terms of its revolutionary and collective nature, through progressive awareness, and is the basis to ascertain any analysis or request. Concentrate on building political and spiritual standpoints as a priority. The issues of technique and organization are very necessary. Instilling Contents: reflect in depth on the situation of the new Kampuchean society. The national collective task is to continue the Socialist Revolution and protect the gains of the revolution and build up socialism in Cambodia. Grasp hold of the collective political tasks of the Ministry; grasp the other basic standpoint of Angkar to carry out our duties well. Grasp tightly the situation of the revolutionary movement inside and outside the country so that we can be confident in the implementation of the collective political line of Angkar and the collective tasks of the Ministry in a proper and effective way.
Spirit: Instill the spirit of proletarian patriotism and internationalism on the basis of deepening the collective standpoint and destroying private ownership and selfishness. Disseminate the revolutionary conception and world view regularly and constantly.
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Organization: Instill the standpoint of organization, leadership and working atmosphere with respect for organizational discipline and pure democracy. More specifically, pay attention to the leadership of collectives and strengthen core party organization in the fields of politics. The Organization should play the most sacrificing role, as front-line combatants, commanders-in-chief with clear-sighted basic conception and the mass line.
Technique: Concerning the working environment, we must have strict organization; grasp tightly in both hands the particular situation of each country, each region. Keenly observing the situation can reflect the good points or bad points of Democratic Kampuchea. Along with this, (we) must observe the evolution of the first, second, and third worlds in order to make it easy to adopt necessary measures. This sector must have close relations with the general leadership of the Ministry.
5. The protocol sector
Overcome difficulties to educate and improve understanding of the tasks to serve politics.
Train more in terms of politics, consciousness and organization. Training in the reception protocol of foreign diplomatic delegations, guests, and arrange cars and manage houses appropriate to their rank. Overcome difficulties to educate the spirit of high revolutionary vigilance and build up a firm political standpoint and a socialist standpoint, but be soft and stable in behavior. Keep secrecy and follow up this sector strictly.
6. The governing secretariat is the sector helping the offices to deal with the compilation of [in/out] documents, letters of congratulation, national ceremonies, the Military Days of our friendly nations, letters exchanged across all the embassies, and states, and preparations for international conferences; take a role in figuring out whether or not it is beneficial. This section is further charged with responsibility to co-ordinate communications between embassies inside and outside of the country and to make recommendations on the market place.
7. Aviation
Arrange strict security, sell tickets, receive guests well, and build up personnel strictly and fruitfully. Be careful always with the pests waiting to destroy our internal body in this area. Educate in politics, spirits and technique.
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8. Secrecy sector
This sector is under the leadership of the Office. Reports must be clearly made to the office. Educate in political and spiritual standpoints constantly. Assign and push forward the Three Movements. Get rid of freedom. Plan to increase production.
V. THE WORKING DIRECTIVE LINE
1. In order to fulfil the working directives, we have to gather together all friendly nations around the world to isolate enemies. Establish extensive relations so that enemies can not isolate us. We must work hard by storming to strengthen and expand our subjective factors.
2. Understand clearly the collective tasks, core party activities, and political work required to be done to speed up the movements vigorously.
3. Educate and instill in the entire Ministry the most important minutes of our congress.
THE CONCLUSION OF THE CONGRESS
FOR 5 DAYS,
1. The national collective tasks, great revolution movement congress, defends and protects the interest of the nation to the flaming point. The 17 April 1975 victory overwhelms the Angkor Era. Agreement on the issue of national defense and reconstruction.
2. Agreement on the foreign affairs line which reflects the practical situation of the country and the world.
3. Agreement on the conception and the mass line, trust the masses.
4. Agreement on the views and standpoints towards the world situation.
5. Agreement on the concept and the way we are heading at the moment. See great possibilities in the country and dedicate everything for the sake of collective interest.
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6. Agreement upon the reports made by the Ministry, both the disadvantages and advantages, to push forward the Three Movements. Get rid of the standpoint of private ownership.
7. Agreement on the working direction of the Ministry.
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I. VIEW OF THE CURRENT CAMBODIAN SITUATION
II. MONITORING OF ACTIVITIES IN EACH SECTOR
1. How far has our Socialist Revolution progressed in all fields?
2. To what extent have we built up our socialism?
3. In all fields of our Ministry, what are the disadvantages and advantages? And to what extent regarding each point? So far, have we enhanced the spirit of high revolutionary vigilance or not?
CONCLUSION:
Get rid of private ownership spiritually. Since the early stages, our people have always struggled and never surrendered or bowed their heads to enemies. From 1945 to 17 April 1975, our people again struggled in their National Democratic Revolution. In 1972, because our Angkar is wise, we fought the capitalists and defeated the enemy.
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In 1973, we set up the collective system. By 17 April 1975, Angkar had destroyed the capitalists throughout the country in terms of government.
Private ownership = capitalism
- The socialist revolution is the class-struggle between the proletarian and the capitalist class. Generally speaking, the situation of the socialist revolution has a great deal of advantages which evolve better and better compared to the 1975 revolution.
STRENGTHS:
1. Organization:
- A collective system throughout the country
- Cities and countryside are alike
- Equality
- No circulation of money
2. Consciousness:
- Never think about private ownership
WEAKNESSES:
1. Organization:
- Loose organizational discipline
- Not yet in close solidarity as a single body
Reasons:
This is because our revolution is young, so we need to enhance the spirit of high vigilance and push ourselves further to be careful at all times.
2.
- How far has the process of building socialism progressed?
- Agriculture, the plan of completing 30% of embankments and achieving 3 tons of rice per hectare.
- Industry
- Social and cultural affairs
- National defense
- The gathering of friends around the world
The paddy area of 1,400,000 hectares, comprises 5% quick-ripening rice paddy, 80% medium-term rice and heavy rice, and 5% water-chasing [dry season] rice. In total, for 90% of rice paddy = 3 tons per hectare.
- Ration system is 13 Thang of rice paddy for [each of the] 7,700,000 people
- In total throughout the country, we have gathered almost one million tons of fertilizer
- Rubber export to 20,000 tons of crepe rubber; 5,000 tons above the plan.
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- Industry: All the factories have been put back into function
- Social and medical affairs: In the zones, for use at their discretion. For a three year period for malaria.
- Culture and technology
- National defense: The armed forces are divided into three types, militia (chhlop), regional troops and front-line troops. The front-line troops comprise infantry, navy and air force
- The collection of friends in the international arena. We have so far gathered friends in Asia, the Pacific, Africa, and South America.
WEAKNESSES:
- Our people's livelihood is very difficult
- Lack of the economizing spirit in all fields
MONITORING ACTIVITIES IN THE MINISTRY
Organizational sector:
Declare the strategic line to pursue the socialist revolution. We have clearly understood this line and lived in a collective system.
Consciousness:
If compared to the earlier period, (now) we have understood clearly and like living in the way of collective system.
Politics:
Happy with the regime Angkar has established.
CONCLUSION:
According to the reports, we see that our comrades have continuously kept abreast and never fall behind the nation-wide movements. Inside the Ministry, we see that the organization is in a good process consistent with the collective way. The essence of continuing the socialist revolution and building socialism is through the three major objectives.
Criticism is dedicated, strict and deep class-struggle.
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THE MINUTES OF THE SUB-CELL MEETING
1. Examining the standpoint of private ownership with respect to the consciousness and materialism of comrades to see how much our comrades have progressed.
2. Examining the standpoint of the party and the 10 provisions of the party, on which basis we have to educate ourselves and the nature of the party-members.
3. Examining the tasks given by the party, strengths and shortcomings .
4. Examine the revisionists’ standpoint on foreign views.
Critical comments by Comrade Thy
Shortcomings:
Think about the family too much, which brings the spirit lower and lower.
Criticism by Comrade (Ms) Cheat
Shortcomings: Must more vigorously educate our people in case they still hide their techniques such as how to kill insects.
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RELEVANT COMMENTS OF COMRADE PAU
Private ownership: The spirits of materialism and sector-partisanship are still tugging back and forth.
Materials: Think a lot about medicine.
- Lacking the nature of command.
- Not spiritually educated in terms of assignments and commands.
- Not deep enough into the mass movement.
- Not strong enough in terms of leadership standpoint.
The request has already been made and sent to the comrades. Pay attention to educating the people who work on the same tasks.
Comrade Brother "Bang" Sim:
Shortcomings: still monopolize power and authority. Hot-tempered behavior and rough language.
- The work responsibility standpoint is not yet tough, not deep and patient.
- Loose livelihood, well-disciplined but sometimes careless; must be constantly vigilant.
- The standpoint of leadership needs to have a literature of leadership; don't be aggressive.
Comrade Brother "Bang" Souen:
Shortcomings: the tendency to be optimistic in myself; need to be spiritually cautious when this takes place as it might affect the party line.
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Monitor spirit, avoid too much optimism.
Shortcomings: The building of the proletarian class standpoint is not yet strong. For example, the livelihood is not yet stable if you have unstable spirit.
- The standpoint is not yet firm.
- Clear this time because individual ownership is all around. But you have to prevent such a spirit.
- Be careful with standpoint.
- The spirit is mixed up in the face of trouble.
- How would the spirit develop in the future? Can we cope with it?
- Be interested in the work direction.
- Constantly educate all your comrades in your sector.
- The installation of political spirit must be constantly monitored
- Try hard to build up the old and new core members and strictly observe those members lest some spies be infiltrated into our group.
- Interested in the working movements of our comrades.
- Connections with the base must be collectively discussed.
- The people need to know the techniques of how to use herbal medicine in the rural areas (?).
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PROGRAM
1. Speeches about learning.
2. Opening ceremony
THE LEARNING SCHEDULE: 1976
I. REQUESTS ARISING FROM THE STUDY
1. To build and strengthen the political, spiritual and organizational standpoints in the phase of our Socialist Revolution and building of socialism.
2. Further instill the standpoint of carrying out duties to complete the Party’s 1976 Plan and start the 1977 Plan successfully and win the victory to the maximum.
3. Raise the spirit of high revolutionary vigilance against enemies both inside and outside.
II. STUDY DOCUMENT
1. Documents on consciousness as follows:
1. Socialist Revolution in all fields (one day)
2. Class contradictions in Cambodian society today (one day)
3. The proletarian class dedication of the party and on the matter of revolutionary state power (one day)
4. About class struggle: the private ownership of other classes against the collective ownership of the proletarian class (one day)
5. Review of dialectical materialism. (one day)
2. Political documents as follows:
1. The view of the current Kampuchean revolution (one day)
2. The building of socialism at the moment includes:
- Examining the Party’s 1976 Plan
(two days)
- Speeches on the Party’s 1977 Plan
3. Organizational documents as follows:
1. The party statutes (one day)
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2. Strengthen and expand the leadership of the party in the new phase of the party’s socialist revolution and socialist construction (one day)
Revolutionary self-criticism section:
1. Collective, in plenary (one day)
2. In groups (five days)
SPEECHES ON ORGANIZATION
The school committee:
1. Comrade Phom, Comrade Khei
- (The school committee) has 30 groups as school cells. They are:
1. Comrade Kou, Secretary
2. Comrade Noev, Deputy
3. Comrade Pou
4. Comrade Sary
5. Comrade Sarn
6. Comrade Sith
7. Comrade Chhean
8. Comrade Ngoun
9. Comrade Morn
10. Comrade Sarun
11. Comrade Chhoeun
12. Comrade Muth
13. Comrade Pok
14. Comrade Chey
15. Comrade Khampy
Opening speech of the education committee:
1. The opening of this course is the most important event.
2. Each of our comrades has been involved in class struggle and rice farming as a total experience.
3. Learning to strengthen forces.
Groups 1-5 Building I
Groups 5-9 Building II
Groups 10-14 Building III
Groups 15-19 Building IV
Groups 20-25 Building V
Groups 26-30 Building VI
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Group 18 Brother [Bang] Sen; group 19 Khem; group 20 Chean; group 21 Huon; group 22 Brother [Bang] Neang; group 23 Comrade Cheng; group 24 Comrade Nuth; group 25 Korn; group 26 Nai; group 27 Chhon; group 28 Khampy; group 29 Koeum; group 30 Morn.
ESSENCE OF LIVELIHOOD
1. Daily Monitoring of Spirit.
2. Spirit of Learning
3. Instilling Discipline
4. Solidarity Issues
5. Keeping Secrets
6. Sanitation
7. Criticism and Self-criticism
DOCUMENTS ON CONSCIOUSNESS (30-11-1976)
SOCIALIST REVOLUTION SECTOR
Requests: What do we struggle to eliminate and what to build up?
Our main objective is to fight the capitalist regime and private property and instead to build a collective system. Our key issue which should be taken into consideration is mainly to eradicate private property.
1. The real nature of the socialist revolution :
Any type of revolution has the real nature of class struggle. In the phase of socialist revolution the contending classes are the proletarian class and the capitalist class. However, in Cambodia at present, if there is still private property in Kampuchea, especially in our ranks, the revolution remains at risk.
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2. What do we try to eliminate and what to build up?
With respect to all fields, all world views, livelihood views, culture and performing arts... For example: After 17 April [1975], our comrades brought their families to Phnom Penh and assigned them to do this or that.
Some of our comrades at the phase of socialist revolution are still pessimistic. That's because they are still deeply influenced by private property.
3. Whom do we struggle to get rid of and whom to build up?
We try to clear the party and non-party organizations, the party ranks. Essentially every one must work hard to build up subjectivity. Don't compare yourselves with other people but with the movement and the party line.
For example: As long as the party is strong, the functioning of the cooperatives and the unions is smooth and speedy.
Nowadays, the issue lies with our leading cadres. The lack is that each party member still puts property above the mass movement. As the leaders of the masses, you must value yourselves correctly and place yourselves lower than the masses and the movement. When you value yourself wrongly, you intoxicate yourselves with private property. When we have seen bad results, we must try to build up the collective standpoint and eradicate the private.
If there are many problems facing us, we must ask whether it is the issue of private property or collective matters, and on which side should we stand?
- Must pay attention to preparing organization to form a very strong collective.
- To open your mouth or think, you must base yourself on the collective not on the private.
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4. For what purposes do we struggle to eradicate the capitalist class, exploiting classes, private property, and strengthen the standpoint of the proletarian class and the collective standpoint?
- All the above issues will be required to be addressed in order to guarantee the smooth process of our revolution and the building of socialism in our country in a fast "Leap Forward".
- We base the rapid building of socialism on the socialist revolution.
Relevant ideas:
About the Socialist Revolution
I. CONCEPTUAL UNDERSTANDINGS:
- Advantages
- Disadvantages
- Correction of concepts
II. CONCRETE ISSUES
- Shortcomings: Private property, faulty self-evaluation, fear of making criticism and working without specific plans (old habits)
I. Experience shows that among the party members and cadres (there is) still deep attachment to power and material property.
II. ABOUT CLASS CONTRADICTIONS
Requests: Class contention in the socialist revolution.
We must not be confused between friends and enemies or between antagonistic contradictions and internal contradictions. See that class struggle is tough and tense.
- Gathering Forces
The content of the document
1- CLASS DIVISIONS
1. Class divisions in contemporary Cambodia
2. Peasant class
Nowadays, there are the worker-peasant class, and our revolutionary ranks.
2. The class essence
There are the worker class, the peasant class, the petty-bourgeois class, the capitalists, the nobility and the feudalist classes. The clean class essence is the bond, the sentiment, etc.
2. The type of class contradictions in the internal contemporary Cambodian society and contradiction from outside.
Even though we have eliminated all the exploiting classes in class form, yet their class essence is still there, so it remains an antagonistic contradiction with the worker-peasant, which we must be able to see.
3. Class struggle in contemporary Cambodian society and against the enemies from outside, and the resolution of contradictions.
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4. The concept of long-term tough and tense struggle.
CONCLUSION OF DOCUMENT 2
* The shortcomings of the school are the lack of control over class contradictions and class struggle; so for the past year we have remained in the status of an observer.
- When we come across contradictions, we analyze them incorrectly and we can not distinguish which are internal and which are antagonistic contradictions.
Therefore, before we analyze contradictions, we must find out the class sources of their causes. Must analyze the contradictions based mainly on class.
ABOUT THE AUTHORITY AND PROLETARIAN CLASS DEDICATION OF THE PARTY
Requests: definition: the cooperatives, Ministries,... are all authorities.
1. The real essence of the revolutionary state authority of the worker-peasant class under the leadership of the party.
* The authority serves the worker-peasant classes. We must protect this authority by protecting the political line of the party. For example, the line of 3 tons [per hectare], and the cooperative line.
2. The real essence of the proletarian class dictatorship of the party.
1. Provide the worker-peasant people with all democratic rights and freedoms.
2. Proletarian class dictatorship overwhelms the capitalist and other exploiting classes.
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3. Concepts, standpoint, and various measures to defend and strengthen the worker-peasant authority of the party under the absolutely firm proletarian class dictatorship of the party.
- Must have correct concepts and standpoints in order to adopt appropriate basic measures.
THE CONCLUSION OF THE EDUCATION COMMITTEE ON DOCUMENT 3
1. Through relevant past experience of [sic]
Shortcomings: 1. In terms of organization, there are still [people with] compositions from other classes, so we have to select people carefully.
Shortcomings: 2. (Lack of) proletarian class dedication of the party.
- In the National Democratic Revolution, dedication is the front.
- In the Socialist Revolution, must cut out other classes -- capitalist, feudal and various other exploiting classes.
About class struggle between the private property of other classes and the collective property of the proletarian class.
Requests: - Through our past experience, from the political era until now, our comrades have been in danger of not making much progress because of a deep (attachment to) private property.
For example: The party told comrades "Here they come.... We must run into the forest", but they [just] said, " Well, that's okay".
- Resolutely eradicate private property.
1. The real essence and phenomenon of private property of
classes other than the proletarian class.
COMMENTARY
Every individual possesses [the idea of] private property
in terms of politics, consciousness, and material. The real nature of private
property is the real nature of the exploiting classes.
1. The eradication of private property means the eradication of the nature of the capitalist class.
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2. Workers and laborers also possess private property but that personal property does not exploit people.
2. The danger and disadvantages of private property
- Individual interest always causes bad consequences.
- Maintenance of old habits, the working system of the old regime.
3. The struggle to wipe out private property through political, spiritual and organizational measures in order to build up, strengthen and expand the collective property of the proletarian class.
1 - Build up socialist consciousness, carry out economization, take into consideration the party line and the cooperatives.
2- Organizational measures: Collective organization in terms of livelihood, work and learning.
- The second type: If somebody commits any wrong-doings, he or she must attend a re-education meeting immediately.
* Be careful not to see private property as petty. In material terms, it is petty, but the real essence is capitalist ownership.
DIALECTICAL MATERIALISM
Definition: Everything in the world is material, not ideal.
1. Everything is inter-connected.
For example: The issue of 3 tons [per hectare] is related to rice, to vegetables, to boiling water, for the health of the people.
2. Everything changes (evolves).
3. Everything always changes either in quality or quantity.
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- See that the second and the third issues evolve constantly. We must pay attention to the corrective process to avoid subjectivity.
4. Everything is in contradiction.
- Don't get tired of settling contradictions.
- Must settle contradictions in accordance with the provisions of the party.
POLITICAL DOCUMENT: VIEW OF THE SITUATION OF THE CONTEMPORARY
KAMPUC